Mosaic p101 2:Types ofActivist and Motivational Factors
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house)was sprinkled with wtter ttld taken inside.I went to my father ttld asked,̀̀Why do they do this?"His father said, Nepal's customs tte like th江."
It was very unpleasant,very painil for me.Therefore,I joined the anti―
untouchability campaign。
C)ther Dalit activist told another discriminatory incidence about his resistance at school.In his village there was a Chetri‐Bahun mttorityo There were no Damai(10W Caste),but there were Magtts in the hills around.
[On One Occasion]it Was the school's amual functionol was a lttle fomrard as
a speaker,so l was one of the speakers.[When tea was served]they
discrimintted:the wttd chai111lan forced me[tO Wash my cup].I thOught:there cannot be discrilnination in a line of teacherso l opposed it right there。 ̀̀Rather thtt wash it,I'1l bre」 k it''[I Said]。 Pcople threttened me,so l rttl awayo Myg ndfather cfme霞 対 took away the glass[狙 d Cleaned it]。 [On n0111lal days as Well]誠 SChOol the peon used to discrimintte.He would hⅣ e to pour wtter for uS[rtther th額l let us get it for ourselves]。 HcjuSt didn't go for wtter(ibid)。
Looking at the life history of Dalit activists,we flnd that all ofthem have faced lnore or less such inhumm trettment from the societyo K"rJ′J,ソブルJ′J have been deeply rooted in the societyo Fundttnentally,Dalits'cases tte different from the other types of act市ism.Itis more cultural(sO■)deeply rooted in the structure ofNepali mindo Women act市 ists or feminist are also rel江市ely near to ttrJ′J,ソJ″J′J mot市ational factoro ln the case of female identity,their meanings are also cultural at flrste Women activists also responded to the relational maltrettment from male counter p江 :ptttner or guardian(it iS applicable for Dalit women
) t00).The case of Dilli Kumtti Slmar(in Chapter Four)re■
ects well,how she spills out contentious story against authorityo They have lots of cultural and social battriers and inequality comptted to the maleo For caste group activist, they have anti modernity movemento They wttt to preseⅣe their status quoo Most ofthe Kshetry activists were retired peopleo Their aim is to resist the cultural ch〔 mgeo They saỳnew(Kshetry)generttions tte devitting from their ttα′ α or Clan duty,i.eo no bttTier on etting,drinking and not wearing sacred thre江 (a symb01 0fhigh caste)。 Kshetry act市ists always l島el it as̀νJルJ′ J'。7。 4。 1。3 Economic activists and social servlce
Econonlic activists and the motivational factor social service〔 re correlatedo lt is a conscious rationalization. They tte well educated and represent fronl well off falnily background as following moaic plot 3 suggestso The very activisln is campaign for their professional
● security and business interest.However,mostly they replied th江 ̀business is also a follll of social service'。 ]Especially,they〔re providing seⅣices to people as well as lnaking money。
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They are members of lnerchant fanlily,but ve理 /interestingly their grandfathers have been found to be politiciιIIs。
Mosaic plot 3:Social Recognition of Grandfather and Types ofActivist
SoicalRecognitionofGrandfamerandTypesofAc‖ vl
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7。4。1.4 Social activists,ethnic activists and self awareness
Self av√areness and social activists have very close relationship compared to an ethnic activist。
Looking tt the l肛nily associttion of social act市 ists,we know they come from elite fttnily
● background having two generations: father and grandfather as んαr αθ力αrJ/teacher father。
Social act市 ists,as said earlier crette separtte identity in Nepalo Social act市 ists,in general d0 not gave priority to other motivational factors even though they may cross or have contact with all forms ofmotivational factorso For exttple,Sailendra Shrestha said,
I m the only son in lny RInilyo My father he is relatively careless;he is really devoted to social work.In my child hood,he insisted me to look through the window and sce how many Jyapus tte losing their vegetables and fruits。
Because a■er 1951,allノ
α ″ α
"ルJ Sθ4α (rev01utionary a.11ly ofiNepali Congress
・ 輩
ettr∫:認 ll鳳 断 I謂 甘上 期 ti冊 靴艦 rttc膳
counter―revolutiono Those activities in my ′θJθ gave me good impression for
social work in lny childhood。
Like cthnic activists, social activists〔 re closely related with self av/ι renesso lnterestingly, cthnic activists, women activists, and caste group activists are at the center of three motivational factors: self awareness,resistance against social evils and ideologyo However, they do not have flrst hand contact with these motivational factorso Thus,these types of activists have rnore than one recruitment rnotivational factors。
7。5 Association of periodLations,mot市ational factors and types of act市 ist
The relation of three periodizations: before 1979, 1980‑1990 and 1991‑2005; and flve motivational factors have been analyzed in this sectiono The correspondence analysis flgure 3 displays motivational factors ideology and resistance against existing social evils are closely related to the latest time―frame 1991‑2005。 Silnilarly periodizations before 1979 is strongly located with socialization,and the 1980‑1990 time era is near to self awareness, whereas the motivational factor social service lies between 1991‑2005 and 1980‑1990 periodizationso However,it is deviated fronl all three periodizations indeed。
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Figure 3:Correspondence analysis of periodLations and mot市 ational factors
Eigen values:CAs―
aり Dimention 1 0。016264
Dilnention 2 0。
006020
7。5。l Before 1979 and socialiLation
As discussed earlier the periodization before 1979 is characterized by politicaly auぬoriatian。
Similarly,Nepal was islolated and closed relative to its successive lhvo tilne‐ frames: 1980‐
1990 and 1991‐2005.
7。5.1。l lmpact of socialization in activist recruitment
According to Prayag Rtt Shama(2004),geographical remoteness and underdevelopment have cttsed Nepali society aloof from the modemiサ .ThuS,Varieties of culture and practices are still aliveo The development indicators say thtt the expansion ofrod,electricity,school, health post have relatively increased in the l■ral area particularly a■ ler the 1990s. 1」p to 1980, Nepal had 7330 KM roads,17,842 schools,71,560 telephone lineso ln 2006,developments in
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communicttion sector ioeo the telephone,mobiles,狙 d printed or electronic media(FM radios)are Seen even in rural〔 reaso The llumber of schools reached 34,543。 Likewise,
17,433 KM roads were constructed(the SiXth pl狙 1980,stttistical pocket book 2006).
The coniuence of geographiCal remoteness, political rigidity ttd social interaction inaccessibility131 enCOuraged socialization,especially through the family and kinship as lnost reliable and important mobilizing structure before 1979.Until the 1960s,there were few tea
shopsin Ktthandu.Among ofthem,a was veryね
mous tea‐shop nalned娩
″ε力力αわ C乃″αPαsα′in Sundhtta132 there were no practices of having lunch and tea in hotel in Katlunandu untiHtte 1940s(Amaサ a(2005:58))。 Similarly,tea culture introduced in Ktthandu during the carly 1940s(Singh 1975:182).In 1951,Nepal had only 5。 3 and before 1981,23。 3 percent literacy rttc(MoPE 2004)1肛 ld Sec(Appendix 7,table 43).
As noted earlier,Nepali societies were much inore based on traditional̀locus of interaction' in absence ofmodem web ofnetworks ioeo educational institutes,print ttd electronic medias,
means of co―
unications and transportationso Thus, ■Inily and kinship were most
in■uential institutions of individual recnlitment。
7。 5。 1。2 Role oflnarriages,families
MIttTiage, one of the key institutions and conduits of social and cultural ties, has been creating political networks in Nepal to frame ̀group solidarity'. PaЁicularly, the arrange mttTiage practices(within sme caste or ethnicity or mosty political ideology)haS been rationalized for the blood purity,cultural and religious functions and to preserve ideological intimacyo However,on other side it has two implic誠lons:1)Cultural unit:a unit of̀誠 Ⅳism' to mdnt五n racial,or ethnic,or castèidentity'or prideo Sometimes to get opportunity structure133,狙d second,2)politiCal unit:for the political opportunities(it mり be a/pplicあle,
some how even in intercaste or interethnic marriages).For ex〔 mlple,Whelpton,Gellner,肛ld
Pfaff(2008:x対
x)draw On Ogura's work to arguc about local grievances of Magtts,an ethnic group,with the local donlinant elite Thakuriso These Thakuris have direct nlarriage connection with the ex口 king ofNepal which developed anti―state or republic agenda in Rolpa, one of the Maoist origin districtso The boundaries of̀̀we'and̀they'would be obseⅣ ed in the social territory。 ]Both Magar and Thakuriarèpolitical fanlilies'。131 By sOcial interaction inaccessibility,the author intends to indicate to lack of opportunities oflocus of interaction.
132 BaSed on conversation with Nirmal Man i「
uladhar and Shiva Ram Shrestha on September 15dl and 16th.
133 My friend Vishnu Shah,a Thakurithe then royal clそ
Hl,said that he rnarried with Thakur girito keep blood purity so that his decendents would have change to get married with the members ofroyal families.
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Pashupati Shamsher Rana(1986)coFeCtly obseⅣ es thtt in the Rtta regime all poweril and economically lucrat市e jobs were under the control of Rana memberso These Ranas had private helper,o■ :en appointed from certain&Inilieso Sometilnes these private helpers also seⅣed lower level administr江 市e jobo Even though they were in very small numbers, however, they had good educational backgroundo MIttTiages with the same caste nlnily across the country made strong conduits for political ideology extensiono They fought against the Ranaso ln democracy they succeeded to control both political and administrative realms。
Many ofthe hill BIrahnlin,chhetri,and Newι r settlers in the tarai ttange rnattriages for their
children in Ktthttldu Valley and other parts ofthe hill regiono The plains Brattmin,Rttput (Chhetri)狙d members of the vttious business castes oten aHange marriages a1l over northern lndiao This lnarriage pattenl represents a continual and active reinforcement of the cultural ties that are shtted by the tarai population with the hill ofNepal and the plains region ofnortherll lndia(Gaige(1975:p22).
In this context,we could observe that family has been àfactory institution'for the individual recruitmento lt is a co― on phenomenon in the South Asian countrieso Even though the human development indicators show low status ofthe women in this regions,Indira Gandhi, Soniya Gandhi,IBenzir Butto,Khalida Jiya,Shekh Hashina,Bandara Naike etc became either sttte head,or Prime Minister or prominent politicians in their countrieso Recently,S可 誠a Koirala bec〔mle Deputy Prime Minister in Nepalo They are the product ofparticular̀pOlitical family',under speciflc social and cultural mechanismso Thus,食 Inily is an inte...lediarry locus of vttrious f0111ls of activisnl, or motivation, or of activist producer, particu12rly fOr the political activism134。
7.5。1。3 State poliミ、school and public junctions
Mosaic plot 4 shows a very positive association of political activist before 1979。 In the late
modem history,Nepal has witnessed three political regimes: 1)the Rtta rule, 2)
constitutional democracy and 3)the p鉗りlesS Panchytt systemo Ranas regime was lm autocrttic ttmily dictttorship,狙d the Panchytt system was the King's direct rule where few groups were facilitatedo These periods werè̀tough repressive"to the oppositional activists and̀̀tolerant control"135 grOupso Under those regilnes,oppositional activities were banned and all folllls of act市ism were very riskyo These contexts tte comparable with the della134 see Karki(2000)fOr mOre detail。
135 1 borrower these,wo terminology(tOugh repressive and tolerant control)frOm Dobatella della Porta (1996:65).
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Porta's(1996)four Classincttions of political regimese Following to Charles Tilly's(1978) typologies ofthe ntture ofthe sttte,she reclassifled― repress市e regimes which repress many groups and actions while facilitating few of others;totalit〔ri〔1l regilnes which repress few groups ttd facilitate a wide range of actions,cven to the point of rnよ ing thenl compulsory;
tolerant regilnes which accept a wide range of actions but reduce the power of the stronger groups; and weak regilnes which have a wide range of tolerance and little repression or
facilitation.
The Rana and Panchayat regimes could be placed under the flrst categoryo However,the Panchyat regilne was relatively liberal compared to its predecessor,the Rana regimee Fusk factor is one of the central causes that pushed ̀socialization' in the positive deviation. In those regimes, activists had to employ safest techniques and use to seck all methods of concealment to escape from thc high punishent of stateo For exttple,Nagendra lBahadur Kttmach〔 理Fa,a founder member of Nepal Communist Party,said thtt in the Rana regime activists used to come for instruction covering their faces and used to give speeches pronouncing in different voices. As discussed in the life histories in the(Chapter Five,trust network was quite essential to share political ideas during the Rana rule and Panchayat regimeo Mahesh Sing Thapa Magar recalls his recruitment process:
In school,I was not involved in politics and there was no political activity eithero I joined politics in Dehradoon atter l flnished my school life in Gor温山puro This
[Dehradoon]waS the place where l met Puspa Lal and Yek Dev Aale and then gradually becme active in politicso My acquaintances dragged me to politics。
Initially, as new political recnlits, we had very strict rules, regulations and timetableso Usually we faced three sessions in the holidays and two sessions a day during college days,not like todayo ln the moming between 4‑6 m instructions class used to be held,focusing on national and international scenarios and books。
From 2‑4 poln。 ,they used to teach various historical and contemporary political
issueso Puspa Lal, Yek Dev Aale, Hihmtt BhandIIi, and others were our
instructors。
They used to teach all the cadres together but a few ofthem were selected for further special classeso However, everyone sta ed from general classes and then was promoted into higher positions r)rα rα bttJル sαdasれノα, and sαdttαrα4 sαdas乃ノα (initia1 0r primary membership ald general membership)。 One cOmrade was teaching 江 the Butwal campus but hadjoined the communist p鉗 サ。He Was initially affllitted with the Congress P劉喧yo Therefore,our leaders doubted hiln。
However,he didn't know激)out it though they[our leaders]uSed tO talk激 )out it with uso Puspa La1 looked at him with doubto An intemal hier〔 I・chy existed;one BIrttan conrade received〔Il education in Sanskrito Therefore,they did not fully trust hiin.
Those conrades were a1lotted less powerful departments in the ptt org〔 miZttion。
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His recnlitment case was relatively differento As he was recruited in lndia,he did not face problems from the Nepali state.However,interestingly,he said how he used to recruit people in the early Palchytt period:
I was a Politburo member of Nepal communist p鉗サ.The party gⅣ
e me a
responsibility for organization,to recruit new cadreso l became teacher,江 th江 time,educational status was very lowo Educated people were few.For teaching lndians used to come to Nepalo Thattime activists had to win the heart ofpeople before apprOaching fresh citizens for political recruitment. I used to visit students'houses,try to explore their psych01ogy during the conversationo And decide whether it wOuld be useful or not tO talk with them about our political nlissiono ln some cases,I had to make four or flve visits,walking for three or four hours to evaluate a single ttlnilyo l used to wake up before the rooster crowed and come to school for teachingo lt was necessary to judge people because once one was politically exposed,the state would arrest them。 OfcOurse, one would be in high risk to be in prison,prope■ y conflscation and sometimes death penalty tooo HOwever,teacher was one of the relatively safe identities in the rural village。 ′Therefore acquiring this identi、、I visited different places to recruit the people,with the patty's decislon。
It seems that the then oppOsitional activists were utilizing the traditional and more reliable social recognitiono During the non‐ democrttic system (Rttla and Palchay激 )indiVidual fo.11lal contacts(kin,CO―unity,geographical b10cks)uSed tO be dep10yed more o■:en as
means of recruiting agents for individuals because all patty and comunity based activisms were barmed and organizadons were in clandestine fol三 二iSo For example,in the P劉lchy誠 period people had àrelational junction'in New Road′″αJ―bο′in the evening time to interact, share, discuss and for update。 136TheSe leaders used to offer themo ln the ha regime, たαttrJんθ―bθ′ in the Tudikhel, Katllnandu, had provided such opportunities of
interaction between the Rana rulers and co―
onerso lt was a junction of political socialization for activists,adherents,subscribers which gradually disappeared since 1990。7。 5。2 PeriodLations 1980‐ 1990 and lmotivational factors:self awareness and social servlce
The tilne―period 1980‐1990 is politically liberal comptted to carlier phasc(1963‑1979)of Panchayat periodo As a result ofthe rnass student protest against thc Panchayat system in the spring of 1979,the national referendum was held on May 2,1980。 The refolllled Panchayat
136 According to Nobel Kishor Rai,in the carly seventies he used to visit′
″αJ̲bθ′having three missions:first to meet the political leaders Of both Kathmandu and outside, secOnd,to update political knowledge and social context.The then tumult of′ ″αJ―ιο′was very famous in Kathmandu particularly in the political spectrum.The tumult would be real and third,to buy newspapers。
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system won securing 54。 7 percent ofthe valid votes over the multiparty system(Shaha 1990)。
Nevertheless, a new discourse emerged, and political p劉 飩ies and their members became 宙sible.Few changes made in the constitution for instance Nttional Pttchytt elections were held through the direct peoples'voteo Students in Katllnandu becme active in the identity politics.hbindra Rai says:
In the Hindu King's coronation,cach representative from four Varnas:]Br(■ Inan, Kshetry,Vaishya ttld Sudra,should have to sprinkleo ln the time of ltte King
Birendra, Padma Sundar Lawati took part in the sprinkle ceremony as
representttive of Sudra(an untOuchable caste)on MarCh 1975。 Acmally,he is a Limbu,member of Kirtti(constitutes mainly four ethnic groups Rai,Limbu, Sunuwar〔md Y泳
側ha)COmmunityo As indigenous members,not a Hindu,
against this action, the Kiranti students smdying in Katllnandu reacted。Consequently Rai,Limbu,田ld Sunuwar community organizttions were set up in the late cightieso However,before that to resolve the received reaction from the Kirtti communities,Lawtti registered KJ″ α′Dαttαr α 勁 励α SαttJクα 」tttα
Sattin Panchthar E)istrict aiming to innovate,up li■ ,and organize the religion, culture and way oflives under the chai.11lanship of I〕 halllla Guru Dhamananda
Lingden。
On the other hand the ex― BIritish service lnen faced lots of problems in Kadlnttduo Then, they smed to set up community org〔mizttion secking social and cultural facilitation within
their own co―
unityo An ex― British a.11ly tt ethnic activist,Yogendra Gurung expressed his experlences:Actually, we my people do not know much about the adnlinistrative
procedures and social facts Nepale These govement offlcials ̀̀sα rλαrJαdhJλαrJ" always exploit uso We need to face difflculties even in getting citizenship,land registrttion,comecting electricity,drinking wtter,telephone etco We started to live in Kamanduo Man]Bahadur Gurung was an employec in the British camp in Lalitpuro When his brother died,we did not flnd any person for funeral procession αJα ′,in Ktthttldu.Thtt event really hurt uso During that time linlited numbers of Gurungs were living in Katllnandu.‥。 so, especially on the Lahure's initiation we set up a branch offlce of Tttu Bauddha Arghaun Sadan Pokhara because in Panchyat period it was not pemitted to open ethic organization without the label religion so later we established Tamu Bauddha Sewa Sttmiti。
Noticeably,same type of story was shared by another ethnic activist,Pabitra Sherpa.
I have an interesting storyo l do not know how ilnportant it iso l ιln the flrst person to come to Ktthn〔mdu from the Tokpegola community ttld anyone who moved to or 宙sited Ktthnandu before was supposed to be a wealthy,励″θ α4σ乃乃θ[big m狙].
One ofthe villagers belonging to the Tokpegola community cttne ater a while but I was quite busy with my business;I had opened a carpet factory9therefore we did not have frequent contacto Unfortunately,his wife suffered from a brain tumor and he failed to contact meo So our neighboring colmunity(Э langchunge,who were living and doing business in Katllnandu,helped thenl,but a■ er lnany days of cttc in the hospital, she did not improveo So they stopped caring for hero Then her husband brought her back to a room in Dalkhu where she diedo The NewEr house owner
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pressured them immediately to take away the dead body but the husband had not contacted anybody about a funeral processiono SO he asked his brother口in―law, though he also belonged to the community other th〔 m outside the Tokpegola。
Anyway, they cttried the dead body on a motorcycle, putting it in the nliddle beh″een two people like a cooking gas cylinder, wrOpping it in a huge jute bag
[bθrα].They rested three times on the way tO a cremttory for cremttiono Th江 becme an anecdote within our neighboring conllnunities.During our participation in any function like a ilneral procession,marriage,狙d cultural activity,thtt event becιⅢle the song lgaθ4;a Satirical stow about how TOkpegola lived in Ktthn〔
mdu,
about how we bury dead bodieso They[members of other community]uSed tO laugh at us,talking about the cremation,and that used to pinch me and give a heatto me [humilitte me].Later, many Tokpegola members came to Katlunandu saying ̀̀If Pabitra could surv市e in Ktthn〔
mdu why not I?''On 1999(VS 2056),in my initittion,we
introduced「
oり
θgθルSα″げ&,wα肋 ″′′J,(Tokpegola Society Helping Co―ittec),tttgeting the enhancement of mutual understanding, helping each other, and the
org〔mizttion of Tokpegola co― unity members who are l市 ing in Ktthm〔
mdu.At
the same time,ノ
α ″ げα ′
Jν
Jdヒノ α た
Was passed by the pttli〔 mlent and consequently our community was also listed〔 Inong the 59 etl■lic co―unities。An Executive Memlber,NEFN The caste group activists too,set up their clan organizations to resist cultural modemization.
This activisnl is for status quoo Remttkably, caste group activisnl is different than ethnic
org〔mizttions in the act市 ist recruitment mot市江ion(See life histOries of Mahendra Bahdur Khadka,and Ramesh Bahadur Katuwal in Chapter Four)。 The caste groups have no― political
grievanceso These groups have been controlling politics and adnlinistrative power since the fomttion of mOdem stttc(see Chapter Three).The Organizttions malaged and sur宙 ved through thc Panchytt years by keeping a low proflle(Gellner and Karki(2008))。
HoWever,the
motivational factors for recruitinent were also self awareness and social seⅣ ice as cases illustrated above.7。 5。3 Periodizations 1991‐ 2005;Inotivational factors:resistance against social evils and ideolo野
Resistance against social e宙ls(ル r′′′ソ′ル′′′)iS Very c10se to 1991‐2005 periodizadonso All identity activislns including Dalits,women,袖 d caste massively appeared a■er 1990 in liberal political structure with̀low‐ risk‐cost enviroment' in the word of Dough McAdam
(1986)。 ThuS,iS it is very natural to associtted this mot市 江ional factor with this period。
Having intemttional network and role of INGOs and NGOS are also crucial to motivtte identity groups through strucmal rnOtivational factor,た露rj′ぁνJル´
J′ J.
A■er the 1990s,INGOs gave huge fttlds to local NGOs,cspecially to subordinated identity groupso Consequently,it is estimtted that more than 50,000 NGOs ttld CBOs have been
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