MEMOIRS OP SHONAN INSTITVTEOPTECHNOLOCY VoL 33,Ne.1,1999
Vygotskian
Approaches
to
EFLClassroom
Interaction
at
SIT
DavidA.
HouGH*
This
paperdescribes
an attemptto
cembine content-basedintercultural
communication andglobal
issues
with shared student andteacher
ethnographiesin
the
EFL
classroorn atSIT.
It
is
a workin
progress
intended
for
those who areinterested
in
issues
efintercultural
communication andmulti-culturalism as well as
these
who areinterested
in
how
culturaldifferences
in
communication andlearning
styles canbe
usedto
create new practices oflearning.
Infiuenced
by
the
sociohistoricalpsychology
ofL,
S.
Vygotsky
andA.
R.
Luria,
the
liberation
pedagogy
ofPaulo
Freire
andthe
criticalpedagogy
ofIra
Shor,
it
assumesthat
learning
canbest
take
place
in
group
environments where students andteachers
are encouragedto
worktogether
to
sharetheir
socialhistories
andbuild
their ownprogram
oflearning.
Key
words:EFL
(English
as aforeign
language),
TESOL
(teaching
English
to
speakers of otherlanguages),
IC
(intercultural
communication), ethnographies, sociohistorica},Vygotsky,
scientificcon-cepts, spontaneous concepts,
ZPD
(zone
ofproximal
development).
Ethnographies
and
Ethno-Centers
Let
mebegin
with abrief
account ofhow
shared ethnographies can
help
us
explorethe
social context of ethnocentrism, stereotyping
and
prejudice.
This,
by
the
way,is
a storyfrom
my childhood.
I
grew
upin
New
York
andwhenIwas
in
third
grade
our classtook
aday
trip
acrossthe
George
Washington
Bridge
to
New
Jersey.
The
nextday
in
schoolour
teach-er asked us about
the
trip.
Her
first
question
was, "Yesterday we
took
a
trip
and crosseda
big
bridge.
Does
anybody rememberthe
nameof
that
bridge?"
Well,
I
remernberedit
wasthe
George
Wash-ington
Bridge,
so
in
spite
of
the
fact
thatI
wasgenerally
a shy student,I
raised myhand
andMs,
Goldberg
called
on
me.
I
answered
"TheGeorge
Washington
Bridge,"
andMs.
Goldberg
gave
me abig
smile.Actually,
I
think
the
reason
shegave
rne
sucha
warm
smile
was
because
my answers were usually wrong.Anyway,
her
nextquestion
was,
"Whenwe
crossed
the
George
Washington
Bridge,
ween-tered
another
state,Can
anybody
nameit?"
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Eeetii'
Well,
I
thought
I
knew
that
too
soI
raised myhand
again-andMs.
Geldberg
called on me asecond
time.
"Yes,David,"
she smiled. "Where
were we?"
"The
United
States,"
I
answered(Hough,
1997).
Now,
given
the
fact
that
atthe
time
the
center of my world was
New
York,
the
answeris
understandablorfrom aNY
point
of view,maybe even correct.
Looked
atfrom
amore
global
andintercultural
perspective,
however,
it
wouldbe
consideredethnocentric
and
agood
example of why
intercultural
awarenesstrain-ing
is
necessary-especially
in
second
and
for-eign
language
courses,Which
brings
me
to
another
story.
A
few
years
ago-andI
shouldprobably
preface
this
by
sayingthat
I've
lived
in
Japan
for
nearly25
years-I
was speakingin
Tokyo
and aJapa-nese
graduate
student came upto
me after mypresentation
and
asked
whereI
wasfrom.
I
answered "Tokyo."
She
smiledand
verypatiently
explained,
"No,
we're
in
Tokyo.
Where
areyou
from?"
Understanding
the
cultural
implications
that
being
Caucasian
I
couldn'tpossibly
be
from
Tokyo,
I
corrected myself and said "NewYork,"
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She
turned
pensive
for
a secondand
then
asked, "Is
that
nearNew
Jersey?"
As
it
turned
out she'ddone
ahorne
stayin
New
Jersey.
So
she
could
relate
to
the
world
frorn
two
perspectives-or
whatI
like
to
calltwo
ethno-centers-Japan andNew
Jersey.
It
was
her
Japanese
ethno-center
that
told
her
I
couldn't
be
from
Tokyo
whileher
New
Jersey
ethno-center
told
her
that
New
York
wassome-how
proximate
to
and maybe even asuburb
of
New
Jersey.
To
me,personal
ethnographic accounts suchas
these
are extremely valuable.First
they
allow us
to
pierce
the
impersonal
stereotypesof
grammar
drills
that
teach
"Fumikois
from
Japan,
she'sJapanese"
or roleplays
that
teach
Anglo-Arnerican
smalltalk
greetings
andin-troductions,
orinformation
gap
activitiesthat
ask a
lot
of meaningless or culturallyin-appropriate-even
taboo-personal
questions
(Hough,
1996;
Senduk,
A.
andInkiriwang,
R.,
1995).
Second,
they
allow usto
discover
the
myriadof
possible
rneanings associated withbeing
able
to
say "I'mfrom
Tokyo,"
or
"...NewYork"
or "...NewJersey,"
They
do
this
by
giving
usthe
freedom
to
ask
such ethnographicques-tions
as: "Inorder
to
be
ableto
say we'refrorn
aparticular
place,
do
ourgrandparents
andpar-ents
have
to
be
born
there
too?"
"Dowe
have
to
be
born
there?"
"...growup
there?"
"...beciti-zens?" "...have
a
particular
name or set ofphys-ical
features?"
"...benative speakers?" "...speak
the
local
dialect?"
"...belong-term
residents?"
Or
"...justhappen
to
be
living
there
and
like
it?"
Or
even "...beimprisoned
there
andhate
it?"
Third,
this
type
of classroom ethnographyallows us
to
delve
deeper
into
sociohistoricalissues
by
asking whatit
meansto
be
ethnicallyKorean
and saywe're
from
Japan,
orTurkish
and say we're
from
Gerrnany,
orKurdish
andsay we're
from
Sweden,
orPakistani
and saywe're
from
England,
orHmong
and say we'refrom
Wisconsin
And
fourth,
it
allows
us
to
go
beyond
mar-ginalizing
myths about culturaldiversity
by
asking what
it
meansto
be
African
American
in
a societythat
stillveneratesits
slaveholdingfounding
fathers,
orto
be
Native
American
or
Hawaiian
orPuerto
Rican
andhave
US
pass-ports,
or
to
be
from
any
group
whose
cultural
heritage
has
been
co-opted, minimalized andtrivialized.
This,
in
part,
is
whatI
rnean
by
sharedeth-nography,
Influenced
by
the
sociohistoricalpsychology
ofLev
Vygotsky
(Vygotsky,
1978,
1986),
the
liberation
pedagogy
ofPaulo
Freire
(Freire,
1986),
andthe
criticalpedagogy
ofIra
Shor
(Shor
1980,
1992,
1996),
it
combinescol-laborative
learning
strategies withliberating
social agendas.
As
such,it
is
akind
of criticaldevelopmental
ethnography
that
allows
usto
move away
from
marginalizing stereotypesand myths about what we or others
think
weaTe
or
have
been
taught
weshould
be
to
newand
liberating
stories, custorns,beliefs
andpractices
that
help
usdevelop
into
what we canbe.
In
this
senseI
also seeit
as a contributionto
the
emergingdiscussion
on critical approachesto
TESOL
in
general.
Shared
Ethnographies
andFreire's
Pro
¢essof
Conscientizacao
In
his
work with adultliteracy
in
Brazil
in
the
early
60s,
Paulo
Freire
developed
a
concept
which
he
called consct'enttzaca-o(often
trans-lated
as "conscientization").Brown
(1974)
writes
that
for
Freire.
this
"is aprocess
in
which
people
are encouragedto
analyzetheir
reaiity,
to
become
more aware ofthe
con-straints on
their
lives,
andto
take
actionto
transform
their
situation.For
Freire,
educa-tion
is
eitherliberating
ordornesticating,
teach-ing
people
either
to
be
critical
andfree
of
con-straints or
to
acceptthings
asthey
are"(p,
29).
In
applyingFreire's
process
of
conscien-tdeacao
to
the
EFL
classroomin
Japan,
I
believe
it
is
necessaryto
start with whereboth
we andour students are-that
is,
withour
collectiveunderstandings and
interests-and
to
workfrom
there
in
building
a
social agenda.What
follows
is
abrief
description
of an activityI
have
conducted withboth
students andteach-ers
in
orderto
gain
semedegree
ofinsight
asto
what
these
collective understandings andin-
terests
in
the
How
I
Started
Ijoined
the
faculty
ofthe
Center
for
Interdis-ciplinary
Studies
at
Shonan
Institute
ofTech-nology
in
Fujisawa,
Japan,
in
April
of1998.
My
workin
sharedethnographies,
however,
goes
back
to
the
end ofthe
first
semesterin
1997
whenI
asked students attwo
universitieswhere
I
wasteaching
if
they
wantedto
include
some culture content
in
their
classesbeginning
the
following
semester.All
agreed.Ithen
asked
them
to
divide
into
smallgroups
andmake a
list
offive
things
they
wantedto
learn
during
the
semester.Table
1
is
a sample ofsome
frequently
askedquestions:
Table
1.
Sarnple
Student
Responses
V)igotskian
Approaches
to
EFL
Classroom
interaction
atSIT
area of
culture
are.Table
2.
Sample
Teacher
Responses
In
some countriespeople
live
on rice.In
other countries
people
live
onbread.
Why?
Why
do
Americans
andEuropeans
wearshoes
in
the
house?
Why
do
Japanese
workhard
andlive
long?
What
do
people
prayfor
in
church?Why
don't
Americans
takebaths
like
Japanese?
Is
there
class systernin
India?
What
do
people
in
other countriesdo
after work?Whydo
they
giye
tips
to
waitresses?Do
foreign
husbands
praise
their wivesin
public?Why
is
there
competitionin
entranceexaminations
in
Japan?
The
value ofgetting
married.How
middle classpeople
live
everyday?We
are attractedby
the
free
image
of Ameri-can schoollife
as shown on television.How
manygays
in
the
world?We
wantto
know
aboutforeign
holidays
and
festivals.
Are
they
similarto
Japan's?
a)b) c)
d)e)
f)g)h)
i)
j)
k)
1}m)
a)b) c)d)e)f)g)
h)
i)
j)
k)
1)m)
n}o) n)o)Cultural
awareness.Similarities
anddifferences
(local
culture/target culture).
What
is
a stereotype?Is
the
definition
of astereotype
different
in
different
cultures?How?Values
and ethics.
How
cultureinteracts
withfisinfluenced
by
politics
and econornics.Work
ethic.Gender
issues,
roles of men and women.Life
style ofyoung
people
in
different
countnes.
Family
values.Different
motivational reasonsfor
studying culture.Thinking
process,
logic,
decision
makingprocess.
Human
rights.What
someoneis
reallythinking
whoisn't
fully
committedto
the
universalculture-equality
paradigm
whenpresented
withit
in
the
classroom.Classroom
culture.Communicatien
styles&
rhetoric.In
a similar activity conducted at variousteacher
training
workshops aroundJapan,
I
have
askedteachers
whatthings
about
culturethey
wouldlike
their
studentsto
learn.
Here,
arather
different
set of responses emerges,Table
2
lists
some ofthe
morefrequent
teacher
responses.
The
most notabledifference
between
the
two
sets of responses was
that
students asked
-111-highly
specificquestions
aboutlife
in
different
cultures.
In
addition, many oftheir
questions
reflected what some might consider
to
be
rather ethnocentric or stereotypical views of
culture and cultural
difference.
Teachers,
onthe
otherhand,
had
moregeneral
concernswhich showed a
higher
degree
of abstractionand suggested a
potential
for
rulegeneration.
Many
teacher
responses also camefrom
the
vecabulary of mainstream
intercultural
com-munication which,
in
turn,
reflects certainim-plicit
assumptions andprejudices
commonto
Western
social science.Scientific
andSpontaneous
Concepts
According
to
Vygotsky,
the
conceptsex-pressed
by
teachers
are scientijic.Generally,
they
areformally
learned-often
in
school(Elbow,
1986),
but
"lackthe
rich content of
personal
experience"
(Vygotsky,
1986,
p,
193).
The
studentquestions,
onthe
otherhand,
areless
generalizable
and concern specifics ofev-eryday
life.
Such
questions
are sPontaneousin
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may
be
dithcult
to
articulate withoutthe
devel-opment of scientific concepts.
Vygotsky
(1986)
claimsthat
the
"strength ofscientilic concePts
lies
in
their
cons ¢ious
anddeliberate
character.Spontaneous
concopts, onthe
contrary, are strongin
what concernsthe
situational, empirical, and
practical"
(p.
94).
Vygotsky
assertsthat
two
contrasting motionsare necessary
for
the
interpenetration
ofthese
two
types
of concepts.Spontaneous
or
ex-perientially
learned
concepts arehelped
"upward,"
as
it
were,to
self-consciousunder-standing
by
the
path
of
the
scientific orformal-ly
learned
concepts
"downward,"But
scientific
concepts are only
helped
downward
orfully
experienced-and
thus
fully
ableto
be
appliedtounfamiliarinstances-totheextentthatspon-taneous
concepts
have
workedtheir
way upto
actualize
them
(pp.
18-19).
Taken
in
isolation,
neither
scientific norspontaneous
concepts willlead
to
Freire's
conscientinacdo.
Takentogetherasadialectical
unity,
however,
they
becorne
a
vehicle
by
which we as students and
teachers
can exploreour collective social
histories
and
realities.
This
produces
awareness anddeliberate
con-trol,
in
whatVygotsky
terms
the
Zone
of
Prox-imal
Development
(ZPD).
The
Role
ofthe
ZPD
Simply
stated,the
ZPD
is
where alllearning
and
development
take
place.
Viewed
from
adiagnostic
perspective,
it
is
actually aproficien-cy
gap
between
what a student can accomplishby
hirnself
orherself,
and whatthat
samestu-dent
can accomplish withthe
help
of others.Learning
alwaysbegins
atthe
stage wherethe
student needs
the
help
of othersto
accomplisha
task.
Gradually,
and
withthe
help
of
others,
the
studentlearns
to
accomplishthe
task
alone.For
us
asteachers,
the
most
significantprac-tical
implication
ofthe
ZPD
(and
thus
alllearn-ing
anddevelopment)
is
its
socialnature,
All
activity within
this
zone appearstwice:
"firston
the
social
level
andlater
on
the
individual
level...
This
applies equallyto
voluntaryattention,
to
logical
memory, andto
the
forma-tion
of concepts.All
the
higher
functions
ori-ginate
as actual relationsbetween
human
indi-viduals"
(Vygotsky,
1978,
p.
57).
This
means
that
the
ZPD
is
notjust
adiagnostic
measure ofdevelopment,
it
is
alsothe
crucial variableto
take
into
accountin
creatingpedagogy
(Newman
&
Holzrnan,
1993,
p.
69).
The
ZPD
in
Pedagogy
This
understanding of a socially constructedZPD
frees
us
(indeed,
it
alsorequires
us)
to
move
beyond
the
psychology
ofthe
individual
student
(or
individual
teacher-student
dyad)
in
our classrooms and
develop
apedagogy
whichembodies our collective social
histories
asteachers,
students,
family
members, membersof communities, members of socioeconomic
classes, members of exploitative neocolonialist
societies, etc., etc.
Here,
let
meturn
to
apersonal
exampleto
illustrate
the
point.
I
grew
up working classin
what was
then
an upper middle-class suburb ofManhattan.
Class
contradictionsabounded:
allof
us
knew
whothe
college-track
kids
wereand, when
the
Vietnam
War
came along, whowould
be
going
off
to
fight.
This
was
sorne-thing
which waspart
of our spontaneous,everyday,
real-life
existence.
Yet,
open andhonest
discussion
of ourcol-lective
classand
social
histories
in
school
was
taboo,
Our
teachers
never used wordslike
"class"
except
in
the
context of "Americanclass
rnobility"
(which
was contrasted with "theca$te system of
lndia").
As
a result, we werenever able
to
connect "class"as
a scientificconcept
to
our spontaneouseveryday
realityin
a way
that
couldlead
to
self awareness anclvolitional activity as active agents
in
the
proc-ess of
positive
social change,Instead,
unconscious class antagonismswould occasionally
burst
to
the
surface, oftenin
the
form
of somedestructive
act wherewe-as
the
victims of an unjust classsociety-wound
up
being
punished,
dumbed
out,
crimi-nalized, maybe sent off
to
reform school orto
war,
maybeeven
killed,
Things
along
this
continuurn
happened
to
me,to
myfriends,
to
others
I
barely
knew-from
people
of colorto
the
sons anddaughters
of working classEuro-
V)pgotshian
Approaches
toEFL
CIassroom
interaction
atSIT
pean
lmmlgrants.My
argument
(and
I
believe
Vygotsky's
aswell>
is
that
if
wedeny
the
reality of ourcol-lective
socialhistories,
or
try
to
separatethose
histories
from
learning
anddevelopment
{which
is
what wedo
when wetreat
cognitionand affect as separateabr separable-entities),
we
do
untoldinjury
to
both
ourselves and ourstudents.
In
support ofthis
argumentfor
a sociallyconscious
ZPD
are researchfindings
(D.
New-man,
Griffin
&
Cole,
1989;
Moll
&
Greenberg,
1990i)
whichindicate
"that creating aclass-room environment
that
allowsthe
socialnature of
learning
to
be
expressedleads
to
increased
learning"
(Newman
&
Holzman,
1993,
pp.
70-71}.
This,
in
turn,
fits
withVygotsky's
(1986)
claimthat
"scientific
con-cepts
develop
underthe
conditions
ofsystem-atic cooperation
between
the
child andthe
teacher"
(p.
148).
Here,
althoughVygotsky
usesthe
expression"systematic
cooperation
between
the
child andthe
teacher,"
it
maybe
worthwhileto
point
outthat
in
creating
acooperative
social
pedagogy
of
learning
(which
is
whatthe
ZPD
reallyis),
the
teacher
doesn't
alwayshave
to
lead
the
students
in
the
traditional
sense.The
ZPD
alsooperates
amongpeers
or where somebody whois
not
ateacher
plays
that
role.
John
Holt
(1982)
relates suchan
exarnple
wherethe
ZPD
might
be
at work:Years
agoIreadthat
one
or moreinner-city
schools
had
tried
the
experiment ofletting
fifth
graders
teach
first
graders
to
read.They
found,
firsL
that
the
first
graders
learn-ed
faster
than
similarfirst
graders
taught
by
trained
teachers,
and secondly,that
the
fifth
graders
who wereteaching
them,
many ormost of whom
had
notbeen
good
readersthemselves,
alsoimproved
agreat
deal
in
their
reading.(p.
36)
Along
a similar vein,Ihavefound
thatIam
often
better
atteaching
my nine-year-old soni
Moll
andGreenberg
(1990),
for
example,have
turned
tothe
working-class social networks, orconjianzas, of
their
Mexican
student communityin
Tucson,
AZ.
to
teach
literacy
<pp.
319-348).
science
than
geography
eventhough
(or
be-cause)
I
know
far
less
aboutthe
former
than
the
latter.
BecauseIknow
less
about
science,
we
tend
to
learn
together
in
a cooperativeset-ting
whereI
am more of a resourceperson
than
the
source ofknowledge2,
From
Theory
to
Praxis-What
I'rn
Doing
Now
This
year
atShonan,
I
began
classes with adiscussion
of cooperativegroup
learning
andsome
ideas
from
Shor
(1996),
about sharingpower
and classroomdemocracy,
Based
onthis,
students electedto
worktogether
in
abilingualsettingtohelpeachotheraccessmean-ing
andform,
andto
organize activitiesintend-ed
to
further
lead
communication,learning
anddevelopment.
They
also electedto
work withthe
teacher
in
groups
to
evaluatetheir
progress
and
decide
grades.
On
the
secondday
of classI
asked studentsto
workin
groups
to
make alist
of culturequestions.
We
then
workedtogether
to
classifythe
questions
(based
largely
on spontaneousconcepts)
into
general
topics
(or
scientificcon-cepts),
around
which
activities
for
the
semester
were
built
This
has
allowed each classto
create
its
ownsyllabus.
As
webegan
to
develop
ourideas
andac-tivities
in
each class, newthemes
and conceptsbegan
to
emerge
whichrequired
usto
renamesome categories,
Freire
callsthis
process
ofnaming and renaming scientific concepts, "the
awakening
of
critical
consciousness
through
the
investigation
of `generativethemes'"
(1988).
0ut
ofthis
process
have
come atotal
of28
generative
themes
to
date.
Since
these
themes
take
the
forrn
of shared steries andethnogra-phies,
they
are called "Stories about...:The
gen-erative
themes
arelisted
in
Table
3.
I
shallbriefly
reviewtwo
ofthem
here:
(1)
education, and
{2>
work,leisure
andthe
use oftime.
2
This
can actuallybe
liberating
for
the
ESOL
teacher
whois
askedto
teach
a content-based coursein
an area whichhe/she
lacks
expertise.-113-Shonan Institute of Technology
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33
g
ag
1
e
Table3.
GenerativeThemes
L2.3.4,5,6.7.8.
9.10.
IL12,13,14,15.16,IZ18,19,
20.2L
22.23.24.25.26.27.28.
Steries
aboutLearning
Stories
aboutCulture
Stories
aboutFood
Stories
aboutFolklore
andCultural
Myths
Stories
aboutHistory
Stories
aboutReligion
Stories
aboutFestivals
andHolidays
Stories
aboutManners,
Etiquette
andCommunication
Styles
Stories
aboutLanguage
Stories
aboutCultural
Differences
andSimilarities
Stories
aboutCultural
Diversity
Stories
aboutMusic
Stories
aboutMovies
andEntertainment
Stories
aboutSports
Stories
aboutBeauty,
Art
andFashion
Stories
aboutLove
andRomance
Stories
aboutFamilies
Stories
aboutPsychelogy
Stories
aboutWork,
Leisure
and theUse
of
TimeStories
about
Health
andCleanliness
Stories
aboutProperty
andthe
Use
ofSpaceStories
about
Money,
Wealth
andPower
Stories
aboutCrime
andPunishment
Stories
aboutGovernment
andPolitics
Stories
aboutthe
Mass
Media
Stories
aboutEducation
Stories
aboutClass,
Power
andHierarchies
Stories
aboutHappiness,
Freedom
andDemocracy
freedom
arnongAmerican
students.This
sug-gests
a strong spontaneous awareness oftheir
own situation.
Comparable
results appearin
asurvey of
Japanese
high
school students andteachers
conductedby
Kiryu
(1997),
in
which768
students
and30
teachers
from
eight seniorhigh
schools selectedthe
following
primary
objectives
for
learning/teaching
English
frorn
a
list
of25
items:
Student
PlarcePtions:
Education
Since
it
is
in
schoolthat
students andteach-ers most
frequently
interact,
it
is
not surprisingthat
this
is
afrequently
selectedtopic,
In
oneclass, students asked
the
following
questions:
1.
Because
there
areEnglish
classes
in
high
schools.2.
To
prepare
for
entrance
examinations
of universities.
3.
To
be
able
to
communicate
withpeople
from
or
in
other
countries.4.
Because
English
is
necessaryto
study
as
general
education.5.
To
broaden
students' own outlookby
studying
English
as aforeign
guage,
71?achers'Pzarcoptions:
1.
Te
broaden
students' outlooksby
studying
English
as aforeign
language.
2.
To
have
studentsbecome
aware oferences
in
waysof
thinking
between
Japanese
andpeople
in
other countries.3.
To
have
students
acquire an abilityto
play
an activepart
in
the
international
world.
4.
To
have
studentsknow
aboutthe
tures
or custornsin
other countries.5.
To
have
studentsprepare
for
entranceexaminations of universities.
=>Why
is
there
competitionin
entrance
examinations
in
Japan?
=>We are attracted
by
the
free
image
of
American
schoollife
as
shown
on
vision.
Here,
studentsmixed
concern
about
Japan's
examination
"hell"with
Hollywood
images
ofAs
with myNew
York
chi)dhood
experi-ences, students seem more aware
of
the
role ofentrance
examinations
(or
are atleast
morehonest
aboutit),
than
aretheir
teachers
whodisassociate
learning
frorn
its
social context.This
awareness was expressed openlyin
oneclass on
differences
between
Japanese
and(ide-alized)
American
education, where onegroup
cornplained about
Japanese
teachers
being
in-
V)tgotskian
Approaches
to
EEL
CIassroom
interaction
atSIT
sensitive
to
student needs,In
another class,students organized
panel
discussions
onwhe-ther
the
Japanese
education system waschang-ing,
andif
so,how,
Comments
included:
DOnly
teaching
contentsis
changing, notmethod.
For
example,
if
we say ouropinions
is
bad
thing
but
in
the
future
we should express
our
opinions openly.=)In
junior
high
schoolboys
have
making course,
This
willhelp
makeequality
between
men and women.=>Learning style
is
changinglittle
by
little.
For
example, students notpassive
but
talking
positively.
=>We can select more subjects
in
school. =)Sorne students rnust study morefor
exams
[due
to
decrease
in
weeklynumber
of
English
classes],
=>Style of study
is
one-way.Still,
alwaysteacher
is
speaking and studentis
ing.
li
/ '1-IL>lll7:l;-Jl:-l;;;ms-;;;:JIJ";:Jl-;1-Ill;:
whydoJapaneseworkhardandiive
long?
=>How
do
Amerlcan
people
spendtheir
sure?
Is
it
important
for
Arnerican?
=>What
do
people
in
other countriesdo
after
work?=>How middle class
people
live
everyday.
i'
Returning
to
the
findings
ofMoll
(1990)
andothers which
indicate
that
learning
willin-crease
if
classroom environments allowthe
social nature of
learning
to
be
expressed, oneclass examined
different
schemesfor
giving
grades.
The
optionsincluded
equity(grades
based
onperformance
asdetermined
by
the
teacher),
cooperation($tudents
whohelped
the
most
in
their
groups
to
receivethe
highest
grades
asdecided
by
group
members), equality(all
studentsto
receivethe
samegrade),
need(students
in
danger
offailing
to
receivethe
highest
grade),
biology
(students
withthe
sameblood
type
asthe
teacher's
receivethe
highest
grades),
family
wealth(students
from
the
richest
families
to
get
the
highest
grades),
andchance
(the
game
of "paper, sciessors, stone").In
this
case,the
classdecided
that
grades
should
be
based
onboth
cooperationand
equity and
decided
by
groups
in
consultationwith
the
teacher.
Work,
Leisure
andthe
Use
ofTime
Student
questions
from
three
classesin-cluded
the
following
items:
In
keeping
with what wehave
already noted,student
questions
tended
to
refiectspontane-ous
concepts.
In
classifyingtheir
questions,
students
began
with work andleisure
assepa-rate
topics.
As
they
began
discussing
whatthey
perceived
as ageneration
gap
between
themselves
andtheir
parents
regardingatti-tudes
abot wok,however,
a new combinedcat-egory emerged.
It
shouldbe
notedhere
that
few
ofthe
$tudentsI
teach
worktheir
waythrough
college.
Nevertheless,
manydo
take
part-tirne
jobs.
Here,
however,
workis
seenless
as a necessity or an obligation and more as a
means
to
buy
consumergoods
and enjoylei-sure activities.
Extrapolating
from
this.
webegan
exploringthe
history
anddevelopment
ofthe
work ethic.In
doing
this-not
just
with work andleisure
but
with allofthe
themes
wehave
developed-I
have
found
Marvin
Harris'
Cultural
Anthropol-Qgy
to
be
an excellentteacher
reference.In
addition,
I
have
afair
amount of ethnographicmaterial of my own
that
I
have
collected overthe
years,
This
helps
expand ourunderstand-ing
of manyissues
which underliethese
themes
andgives
addedfocus
as weshare
out
own stories.
For
example, welooked
athunters
andgath-erers, as well as
people
from
pre-rnoneyed
economies where
the
boundaries
of work andplay
areless
distinct.
We
alsodiscovered
that
terms
like
"duty"and "obligation" are common
to
feudal
economies while concepts such as"freedom"
and
"responsibility"are a
product
ofcapitalist economy.
Continuing
the
Conversatien
AsInoted
atthe
beginning
ofthis
paper,
this
is
still vey much of a workin
progress.
For
that
reason,it
mightbe
worthwhileto
-115-Shonan Institute of Technology
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ShonanInstitute of Technology
memzNJitweet
eg
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1e
clude
by
touching
on afew
questions
that
have
emerged
in
the
process
ofdeveloping
this
ap-proach.
I
will offer afew
ideas
of my own andthen
maybe we can openthe
floor
to
discus-sion.1.
Hbw
cutturallyopPmpriate
is
this
amproach?Recall
the
panel
on
Japanese
educationwhere students explicitly stated
that
they
wanted
to
be
able
to
express
their
opinions
in
class and
that
they
werefrustrated
withteach-ers who spoke all
the
time
anddidn't
listen,
Maybe
asteachers
we shouldbe
abit
circum-spect
about
being
cultuizilly
opPropn'ate
if
allit
really means
is
adaptingto
idealized
normsand values which
perpetuate
inequality.
Fur-thermore,
if
ourpedagogy
is
to
be
liberating
wemust
of
necessitybe
breaking
new
ground,
experirnenting with new
ideas,
creating newclassroom cultures.
And
sornetime$that
mightmean
being
downright
subversive.
2.
fsn't
the
contentlevel
too
difi(ntlt
for
nese stuents?
If
from
aVygotskian
perspective
learning
is
a
collaborative
social
activity,then
the
minimalteaching/learning
unit shouldbe
the
group,
not
the
individual.
In
my classes,for
example,I
interact
withe students as members ofgroups
much more
than
I
do
with students asindivid-uals.
So
when wetalk
about easy ordifficult
we should
be
asking whetherthe
materialis
too
difficult
for
every member ofthe
group,
ortoo
easy andboring
for
every member.To
these
questions,
I
can
answerthat
the
materialfalls
withinthe
zoneor
range
of
the
congregate
abilities of
the
group.
3.
Tb
what
extend
is
cooperntive
gromp
learning
ojl7ective
in
anEFIL
classroomin
lapan
(e.g,,
where
a
mofe
advanced
sPealeer
ma3t
be
afraid
to
useEnglish
because
shq/he mightEsticle
out"or
embamass
other
students,
or
whene social
hierarchies,
gender
dtlfferences,
etc.,
mayintet:fere?
There
has
been
afair
amountin
the
litera-ture
on
how
peer
work
does
not work withJapanese
students.I
believe
the
underlyingreason
for
this,
to
the
extentthat
it
is
true,
involves
Japanese
educational stress onindi-vidual competition
in
testing.
In
orderto
take
advantage of
the
pedagogy
ofthe
ZPD,
I
be-lieve
it's
necessaryto
raisethe
issue
ofcoopera-tion
and whatit
means,So
this
is
an
ideal
opportunity
to
try
to
create new relationshipsand a new culture of
learning
in
the
classroom.I
think
the
first
stepis
to
raisethis
issue
to
the
level
of
consciousness
on
the
part
ofboth
stu-dents
andteachers.
4.
What
leind
of
balance,
if
aay, shouldbe
sought
between
studentinterest
in
Potentially
dificult
maten'al andtinguistic
Projicienqy
levels?
The
degree
to
whichgrarnmar
shouldbe
con-trolled
is
not anissue
I
wishto
addresshere.
I
think
it
shouldbe
left
to
each classto
decide
how
muchgrammar
they
want and when.Nevertheless,
it
is
easyte
work ongrammar
if
you
wantto.
For
example, apair
work orgroup
survey which asksthe
question
"Whatis
happiness"
lends
itself
to
the
use ofgerunds.
Likewise,
grammatical
patterns
emerge whenwe
begin
adiscussion
on whethergrades
should
be
based
onperformance,
cooperation,
family
wealth,blood
type,
etc,
The
same
is
true
of
discussions
aboutthe
advantages anddisad-vantages of
getting
married, whythere
are richand
poor,
the
economic rootsof
prejudice,
the
sociohistorical causes of
injustice
andwhat
we
can
do
aboutit,
etc. etc., etc.There
is
nolimit
to
the
potential
for
generating
and
practicing
grammatical
form
if
that
is
whatyou
and
your
students
wish
to
do.
What
is
more,
the
grarn-mar
that
your
students willbe
practicing
will
not
only
be
communicative,
it
will
be
far
rnorerelevant
than
what wefind
in
most
ELT
course-books.
5.
What
allowances shouldbe
made
for
switching
and
the
useofjopanese
as oPPosedto
English
in
the
classroom?The
woholequestion
ofEnglish-only
is
polit-ical,
notpedagogicaL
It
involves
jobs
for
native speakers of
English,
many of whom aremonolingual,
Phillipson
makesthis
point
in
his
discussion
ofthe
Makerere
Conference
andVb,gotskian
Approaches
to
EFL
CIassroom
interaction
atSIT
Report3
in
Linguistic
imPeTialism
(Phillipson,
1992,
pp.
183-5).
My
question
is
why shouldwe
handicap
our students?It
is
alltoo
easyfor
EFL
teachers-particularly
monolingual ones-to
dumb
their
students outby
confusinglim-ited
English
proficiency
withIack
of criticalthinking
skills and mentaldeficiencies.
The
result
is
to
makelearning
materialseven
sim-pler
and morebland,
which only exacerbatesthe
process.
Again,
just
look
at
whatis
being
published.
6.
Hbw
canyou
tatle
about aPedagQgy
of
the
oPpressed tvith
first
world.lapanese
students?I
see
the
building
of critical socialconscious-ness as
part
of an ongoing story about mystudents and myself.
Simply
knowing
English,
or
possessing
certain cultural artifacts aboutthe
dominant
values ofthe
privileged
classesin
English
speaking societies maybe
enoughto
allow
for
the
upward class mobility ofthe
few,
but
it
won'tbe
enoughto
liberate
the
many.Whether
weparticipate
in
the
process
or not,Japanese
students aregoing
to
be
communicat-ing
withpeople
from
a
wide
variety ofcultures
in
a wide variety oflanguages
(including
Eng-lish)
in
orderto
better
understand
how
ourworld
is
changing and why.Through
this
process
of communicating,they
will alsobe
engaged
in
creating new meanings,beliefs,
un-derstandings
andpractices
about
the
world
welive
in.
References:
Brown,
C.
(1974).
Literacy
in
30
Hours:
Paulo
Freire's
Process
in
Northeast
Brazil.
Social
Policy
July/
August
1974:
25-32.
Elbow,
P.
(1986).
Embracing
Contrarz'es:
Emptorations
in
Learning
andTeaching
New
York:
Oxford
University
Press.
Freire,
P.
{1988).
Redagogy
of
the
OPPressed.
New
York:
Continuum
Publishing
Press.
3
The
Commonwealth
Conference
onTESOL,
held
atthe
University
College
ofMakerere,
Uganda
in
1961,
and attendedby
delegates
frorn
23
Commonwealth
countries, setthe
stagefor
post-celonialELT.
Among
the
tenets
fromu-lated
by
the cenference werethat
(1)
English
is
best
taught
monolingually, and(2)
the
ideal
teacher
ofEnglish
is
a native speaker.Harris.
M.
(1991).
CulturatAnthroPology
(Cllhird
tion).
New
York:
Harper
Collins.
Holt,
J.
{1982}.
Teach
Your
Otvn.
Hants,
UK:
house.
Holzman.
L.
(1997).
Schools
for
Grotvth:
Radical
Atternatives
to
Cunent
Educationat
ndodels,
Mahwah,
NJ:
Lawrence
Erlbaum.
Hough,
D.
(1996).
Bias
in
EEL
textbooks.Materials
Writers
Academic
Session
withKheira
kson.
Donald
R.H.
Byrd.
Abdedader
Ezzaki,
Louise
Jennewine,
Tom
Kral,
Janet
Miller,
Jack
Richards.
Chicago:
TESOL
`96International
Conference,
Hough,
D.
(1997).
New
Ybrh
Jin
hara
mita sehai.
Yokohama:
Naka-ku
Choukaku
Shougaisha
Kyoukai.
Kiryu,
N.
<1997).
Culture
in
Senior
High
School
ELT:
What
do
students want?IALT
alConjigrence,
Harnamatsu.
Moll,
L.
&
Greenberg,
J.
(1990)>.
Creating
zones of
possibilities:
combining social contextsfor
struction.
In
L.
Molo
(Ed),
bygotsky
and
tion
(pp.
319-348).
Cambridge:
Cambridge
versityPress.
Newman,
D.
Grithn,
P.
&
Cole,
M.
(1989).
The
stntction
Zone:
Wbrking
for
Cognitive
Change
in
Schoot.
Cambridge:
Cambride
University
Press.
Newman,
F.
&
Holzman,
L.
{1993).
Lev
Vygotsley:
Revolutionary
Scientist.
London:
Routledge.
Phillipson,
R.
(1992).Linguistic
imPeriatism
Oxford:
Oxford
University
Press.
Senduk,
A,
andInkiriwang.
R.
(1995).
Culture
in
EFL
materials:
Whose?
How
much?71ESOL
als
lVriters
Interest
Section
Newsletter
911:
3-6.
Shor,
Ira
(1980).
Critical
71eaching
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Evetyday
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Shor,
Ira
(Ed.)
{1987).
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the
Classroom:
A
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for
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Teaching,
mouth,
NH:
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Shor,
Ira
(1992).
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Chicago:
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Ira
{1996).
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Students
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L.
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L,
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