Identity of Japanese Women Living in New York

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Sachiyo Yamada

A Master’s dissertation submitted to Osaka Jogakuin University Graduate School of International Collaboration and Coexistence in the 21st_{Century, Master’s Course,}

in fulfillment for degree requirements.

Advisor: Prof. Hitoshi Mabuchi February 2, 2016

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Abstract

Despite the vast number of studies about Japanese businessmen staying abroad and children growing up in foreign countries, little is known about the wives of Japanese businessmen overseas. This work investigates how a rarely-studied group - the wives of Japanese businessmen posted abroad – experience dislocation and identity change as they learn to adapt to the cultural, linguistic, and social challenges posed by their new environment.

Based on the answers to the questionnaires, administered to 47 Japanese women, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 21 wives of Japanese

businessmen in the New York City area.

An analysis of the 21 interviews demonstrates that the wives’ transformed their identities in many ways because of the influence of American values. These women strongly came to believe in the equality of men & women, diversity, and

self-realization. In addition, they created their own unique life styles and values by integrating Japanese and American cultures.

The implications of these findings are significant. They shed light on how to address the problems of Japanese expatriate wives in order to enhance their psychological and emotional well-being. A better quality of life for these wives and mothers should result in positive outcomes for the expatriate family as a whole, thereby benefiting the sponsoring Japanese company.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to gratefully acknowledge the assistance received from the following people in pursuing this study and writing my thesis.

I am sincerely grateful to my supervisor: Professor Mabuchi for his warm support and encouragement throughout the whole research process. My deep gratitude goes to Professor Scott Johnston who supported my English writing; Professor Nishii who gave me valuable advice and Professor Kozo Kagawa who taught me about research overseas.

I have been fortunate to have sincere friends around me. Ms. Gabi, Ms. Kazumi, Ms. Debby, and Ms. Hnin, I was grateful to share a classroom with you.

I also wish to thank my friends in New York, my study participants, and Ms. Anne Suzuki.

Lastly, I would like to thank my family for all their love and support.

Sachiyo Yamada Osaka, Japan February 2, 2016

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1. Introduction

1. 1 Where my research interest came from

I lived in New York from 2005 to 2013 because my husband was

transferred to the New York branch of his company. We call this “Chu-zai in” in Japanese. “Chuzai-in” is a Japanese businessman who stays overseas to work for the local branch of his Japanese company. His family usually follows him and stays abroad. That was the reason I lived in New York for eight years.

Just after starting our new life in the U.S. we found many difficulties such as language, culture, people, and weather … Everything was different from what we were familiar with. I realized that there was a gap between the English I learned in school and practical English I needed to survive in America. I knew that there would be changes in life such as living without relatives and friends, weather, culture, and so on, and I was able to prepare for it somewhat in my mind. However, the difficulties came from other types of changes, including unexpected differences such as attitudes of people in New York, immigration law, the Japanese community in New York, and the norms of my husband’s Japanese company and neighbors.

Although America is a land of immigrants, we were sojourners. It was the crucial difference between my family and our neighbors. Generally, the “Chuzai-in” Japanese businessman living abroad with his family stays for a certain period of time, typically three to five years, and they expect to return to Japan. Some know how long they will stay, others don’t. We did not know.

My husband started to work at a new office in Queens, New York City. Compared to my son and me, his life circumstances did not change much. He was just transferred to the branch of his Japanese company. In his office, he could speak Japanese with his coworkers, and worked for his Japanese boss. His workplace was

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influenced greatly by Japanese culture. Everyone in his office welcomed him, as they had been waiting for the next Japanese businessman to take over his predecessor’s job. He worked full-time during weekdays, so I took care of all housekeeping and childcare. He was absorbed in his dream job and he was on the way to success.

My son was eleven years old when we moved there. He had no friends and was nervous as he started to go to public school. He did not speak English at all, but thanks to Japanese cartoons, such as Naruto and Pokémon, he was able to make friends on the first day of his school. English was a big obstacle for him, especially for the first two years. He wanted to join a soccer club, but everyone talked in English so it was not easy for him to get started. He was the only student from Japan in his school, so sometimes he faced problems. He missed Japan and his Japanese friends. He used to be active and cheerful, but he became a quiet and shy boy. On Saturdays, he went to New York Weekend Japanese School where many Japanese children like him learned academic subjects in Japanese to prepare for their return to Japan. He enjoyed that school and was cheerful like he had been in Japan.

After a few months, my husband and son were getting used to the American life, while I was not. Every morning after they left home, I felt depressed. I stayed home all day almost every day. I spent so much time on housework and thinking about many small things. I often asked myself, “What am I doing here?” I did only housekeeping. It meant that I did not create anything, or communicate with anyone outside the home or contribute anything to society. I missed my job as a salesperson for a logistics company as well as my co-workers in Osaka. I missed my life in Japan and began thinking more deeply about my identity.

Who am I? I am a mother, a wife, and a foreigner. That reminded me of the rootlessness of my existence. Then I wondered why I was staying there other than

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because I had followed my husband. I had not wanted to leave Japan or change my life. The reason I was there was only for my husband. My son and I had had no choice in where to live. Lastly and the biggest was “Why can’t I work?” His company had prohibited me and other wives from working. They told me that I should support him, so he could work efficiently as part of their corporate culture. I had to be good to help protect my husband’s reputation and that of his company. My friends in Japan encouraged me, saying that I was a lucky woman who had a son and husband and was living in New York. Some were housewives and most had part-time jobs to help support their family. Some friends urged us to have an American-born child while living there. I was glad for their kindness but I was frustrated because there were no words to explain myself. I was just confused and did not understand what was going on with myself.

Two years passed and I visited Japan to extend my visa. At Narita Airport, I felt very safe. I was moved, even when the immigration officer just said, “Welcome Home,” to me. I thought, “Oh, this is my Homeland,” something I had never felt before.

I met my family and friends, and then experienced something strange. I found myself stepping aside, observing the people and the city. I thought “Was Japan like this before?” When I saw my son among his friends, I found his behavior was a bit different from theirs. I felt nostalgia for my hometown as I had expected, but I was surprised to also feel some degree of discomfort to be back in Japan, probably because I had changed.

Living abroad gave me a series of conflicts. It had seemed to me that my past, career, and friends in Japan had greater significance than being a housewife in New York. Then I started to search for what I really wanted to do. I was a mother and wife in New York, but I also wanted Something Else….

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That experience was the starting point of my research into identity. Why did I lose it by moving overseas and how could I regain it? My identity might have changed during the time I had been living in New York. How do people who live outside of his/her country create new identities under these circumstances, influenced by new cultures and languages? In particular, the research interest for my master’s thesis explores this process for the adult Japanese women like me who accompanied their husbands to New York.

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1. 2 Significance and Questions

Studies about Japanese businessmen staying abroad have become more numerous as this population has grown. Major research themes have focused on the degree of cross-cultural understanding and the practice of Japanese business administration abroad (Mabuchi, 2002). Children who have grown up in foreign countries have also been subjects of a great deal of research. However, few studies have examined the wives of Japanese businessmen overseas (Isa, 2013). My

research fills a void by investigating this rarely studied group.

Muto (1985) reported the stressful life of wives of Japanese businessmen in the U.S. as they face different cultures. In general, life in the U.S. is radically

different from Japan. If a wife does not acclimate herself to her new surroundings, her husband may have to return to Japan within a couple of months. This causes professional as well as personal hardships to both company and family. My study aims to understand how Japanese spouses living overseas react to and cope with their new lives and document their process of adjustment and change in identity. The findings may help provide solutions that minimize psychological stress and possibly result in a more positive experience living abroad for the whole family.

Wives of Japanese businessmen overseas often give up jobs and become housewives when they live abroad. Many of them have advanced educational backgrounds and experience working in Japan (Yamada, 2005). Their gender views are changed. How does American society, which has more equal opportunity for women and men, influence these changes? Some wives have experienced negative feelings or lack of self-esteem after moving overseas. So-called culture shock may be caused by multiple factors. How do most wives of Japanese

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In New York, people from all over the world live in close proximity, so the wives of Japanese businessmen have a lot of opportunities to expose themselves to a wide range of cultures in such a diversified society. They have more ways and opportunities to connect with American society than their husbands working for Japanese companies.

Research Questions

1. How does American society, which has more equal opportunity for women and men, influence these changes?

2. How do most wives of Japanese businessmen overcome their challenges and become acclimatized to a new life?

3. How do they deal with American culture while maintaining Japanese culture, their identities, and the idea of gender equality? In other words, how are their identities changed by moving overseas?

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2. Literature Review

Some scholars have argued that the acclimatization of the expatriate's spouse to a new environment is one of the most important factors in the success of expatriates on overseas assignments. Black (1991) empirically examined which factors are related to spousal adjustment. In fact, one of the reasons for an expatriate’s inability to fulfill the full term of an overseas assignment is the spouse’s failure to adapt to local culture (Harvey, 1985).

In Japan, many researchers have examined the cross-cultural competence of Japanese expatriate businessmen and the educational problems of their children. (Mabuchi, 2002; Okada, 1993). In those studies, their spouses were often asked questions about their roles as wives and mothers. However, few studies have been conducted about the wives themselves (Isa, 2013).

One of the few research articles on this population was conducted by Yamada (2005). In this well-known study, the wives of Japanese businessmen reported that they were satisfied with their lives in America. They enjoyed golf and tennis, seemingly content. On the other hand, Muto (1985) indicated that life in America was very stressful. Mental pressure resulted from facing different cultures. Isa (2000) also found that the wives of Japanese businessmen experienced feelings of culture shock again, defined as “re-entry culture shock”, upon returning to Japan.

Gender roles of the wives of Japanese businessmen overseas are connected to daily housework and childcare (Yamada, 2005). “Gender” here is defined as women and men in the social and cultural context; It is not the same as “sex”, which is a biological characteristic of women and men. Statements such as “Men should be strong,” and “Woman can’t do this” reflect social and cultural norms about gender. Gender differences are also expressed through behaviors in routine social interactions. For example, the activities associated with “motherhood” create

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a significant difference between mothers with and without children, especially when living overseas.

Although the number of dual-earning couples has increased in Japan, the household is still the woman’s domain. According to a Public Opinion Survey on the subject of a Gender-Equal Society in 2014, 44.6% of Japanese preferred that the husband worked while the wife took care of the home. The typical gender role assignment for a woman is a wife, mother and housewife. Being a good mother is a highly respected social position (Amano, 2009). Oakley (1986) said that the term “housewives” symbolizes women’s universal and rightful place in the home.

In a study conducted by Yamada (2005), it was found that the wives of Japanese businessmen overseas felt even stronger about their traditional role as housewife than did their counterparts living back home. There was a clear delineation of roles: the husbands were the breadwinners, and the wives were responsible for all the housekeeping and childcare, as well as overseeing their children’s education.

A Japanese businessman and his family who stay overseas form a nuclear family (Yamada, 2005). According to Parsons (1955), the basic and irreducible functions of the family are two: first is the primary socialization of children so that they can truly become members of the society into which they have been born. Second is the stabilization of the adult personalities of the population of the society. The woman’s place is the domestic sphere, where her “expressive role” is to

provide care, love, affection, security and all the necessary emotional support a family member might need. In contrast men have an “instrumental role” as the breadwinner.

Prior research has examined the identity formation of children growing up overseas (Nukaga, 2013). However, the word “identity” itself is controversial

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among scholars since its definition is problematic. It can be seen as a notion in one’s mind: “Who am I?” and “What do I do?” The concept of “identity” was first introduced by the psychologist, Eric Erickson. In his book, Identity and the Life

Cycle, he asserts that after the period of normal adolescent conflict that he refers to

as a “moratorium”, one’s identity is often integrated and stabilized (Erickson, 1959).

According to Sakamoto (2005), identity can be classified into four

categories. The first is ego-level. This is the core being of an individual which is not determined by any social attributes; “Who I Really Am.” The second is the

individual attributes-level. It is the nature of a person or one’s style of living, such as being gentle and honest. The third is cultural identity. It is the identity or feeling of belonging to a cultural group. Regardless of nationality, feelings of being

Japanese or American include lifestyle, behavior, hobbies, preferences, and value systems. Suzuki (2012) defines this third level as a consciousness/sense that one belongs to a certain culture. The fourth and last level is social identity. Nukaga (2013) explains that one does not have social identity from birth. One becomes a man or woman, American or Japanese, after experiencing a disparity or conflict. Identity is something that shifts and grows throughout life as people confront new challenges and tackle different experiences.

In recent years, scholars have raised some controversial questions about the conventional concept of identity. Once one’s identity is established, can it be changed? In this era of globalization, people as well as their identities are

constantly changing as a result of ready access to foreign cultures and ideas through overseas employment/study/travel and information via the Internet (Ueno, 2005). Bauman (2004) argues that the term "identity" implies continuity, which is the solid basis on which people anchor themselves. However, the rapid

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changes resulting from globalization have eroded much of this stability. Thus, identity has fluidity and can be multidimensional.

Examining the concept of identity, Mabuchi (2002) pointed out that it is more important “to become somebody” than “to be somebody”. It signifies that one can choose, and even change, his/her identity (Sen, 2011). Hall (1996) is another scholar questioning the long-accepted fixed concept of identity. “Who needs identity?” He suggests that identity is important for society as a whole. It serves to divide people into distinct groups, which facilitates control by those in power. This view raises interesting questions about the negative effect of this social construct on minorities. Ueno suggests (2005), that we may be in the “post-identity” era, such as emancipated from categorizing.

The wives of Japanese expatriate businessmen have also been largely ignored after repatriation. Most do not get jobs after returning to Japan so their experiences and opinions have not been heard. A few studies referred to the marital crises such as living apart (Muto, 1985). In addition, the disempowerment experienced by the wives of Japanese businessmen upon re-entry into Japanese society (Isa, 2000). The goal of my study is to investigate these voids and give voice to an important group that has been relatively overlooked by researchers in the past.

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3. “Chuzai-in” Japanese Businessmen

There were approximately 200 Japanese families in Port Washington, NY where we lived. Almost all of the families were of Japanese businessmen who had been sent by their company with their family members. They were not typical long-term residents in the U.S. Most other residents who did not have U.S. citizenship were immigrants and green card holders.

The statistics of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2014) show that Japanese who live outside Japan had increased to a record 1.26 million, 410,000 of whom live in the U.S. About 250,000 are “long-term residents”, including Japanese

businessmen and their families who do not have green cards. New York City is the biggest city in the U.S. and has 68,000 long-term Japanese residents. This is where I conducted my research for this study.

There are two types of Japanese residents. The first group consists of

permanent residents who have green cards as a result of marriage, employment, or other reasons. Some may be former “Chuzai-in” who quit their jobs to continue to live in the U.S. The second group is the “Chuzai-in” and their families. Recently Nukaga (2013), in her book argues that the residents who hold green cards may be regarded as “a temporary or long-term visitor[s] for an indefinite period”, and the difference between permanent residents and long- term Japanese residents is very unclear.

The life of a typical Japanese businessman living abroad is more

comfortable and the standard of living is higher than when he was in Japan (Isa, 2000). A Japanese businessman is a working visa holder, in most cases, either E-1 (Treaty Trader and Investor Visa) or L-1 (Intracompany Transferee Visa). His family holds either E-2 or L-2 visas. Before 2004, in principle, work was not permitted under E-2 and L-2 statuses by the Immigration and Naturalization

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Service, but wives of Japanese businessmen are technically able to work if they apply for a work permit. Because in general, most of the Japanese companies don’t allow them to work so most of them do not work in the U.S.

There still remains the concept of “Ie” (the home) in each Japanese organization overseas, which is that the husband is the head of the family and earns most of their income, and the wife is responsible for most of the housework (Yamada, 2005). Many Japanese businessmen and their families feel a sense of unity in Japanese groups. Because they live in a foreign country far from Japan, often feeling lonely and experiencing various kinds of frustrations, they show a more solid sense of unity than when they were in Japan. For instance, they often spend weekends with other Japanese families or as a family.

A “Chuzai-in” Japanese businessman should not only work as a good representative of the company but he also has a mission to maintain the good public reputation of his employer. Similarly, his wife recognizes that as an integral part of her husband’s organization, she should be both a good mother as well as housewife to help her spouse, and also be a good member of her husband’s organization. Thus, a “Chuzai-in” Japanese businessman and his family are called an “organization family”.

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4. Methodology

The purpose of this study is to investigate how the identities of wives of Japanese businessmen change by moving overseas. In order to collect data, I chose a mixed methods research, which includes both qualitative and quantitative research to achieve the advantages of each and mitigate their weaknesses (Trochim, 2005, p.120).

Data used for this study were collected in Port Washington and New York City in the summer, 2015. Respondents were the wives of Japanese businessmen who work for Japanese companies located in the New York area. It is important to note that the area where these people lived is suburban. Of 80 questionnaires sent, 47 were returned, a response rate of 59%. I used all 47 in my analyses.

4.1 Questionnaires

The survey research is based on ideas from Yamada (2005) and Isa (2000). I went through the process of checking and feedback with my professors and colleagues. After the necessary corrections were made, my colleagues kindly participated in the pilot survey and gave me advice. I sent my questionnaires by e-mail to the participants before I arrived in New York, so that I could collect the answers at the time of the interview. Some participants, who did not have a chance to see me, were able to answer my questionnaires by replying via e-mail at their convenience.

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The questionnaire consists of 4 parts as follows: Part 1 - Career view

Part 2 - Gender view Part 3 - Life in America Part 4 - Identity

The questionnaire is attached as Appendix A.

4.2 Interviews

Out of the 47 surveys 21 were chosen to interview. In addition personal contacts and posted flyers were used to generate this sample of wives of Japanese businessmen living in two parts of metropolitan NY - one urban and one suburban. After each interview, I asked the participant for referrals to other wives. Out of the 21 subjects interviewed, six were referred by other participants. Most interviews were conducted in the participants’ homes. A few interviews were conducted in coffee shops, lobbies, or other public venues. The semi-structured interview format used open-ended questions that focused on gender, American life, and identity, lasting from one to two hours. They were recorded and transcribed. The interview transcripts were analyzed and coded.

The interview schedule consists of 3 parts. Part 1 - Gender

a) Husband works outside and wife stays at home b) Ideal relationships with woman and her career c) Change of consciousness of being a woman d) Being a housewife

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Part 2 - American life

a) Culture shock (depression after moving to America) b) Changing oneself through a different culture and language c) The relationships of one’s family in Japan and America d) Japanese society in New York

Part 3 - Identity

a) Change in attitude after coming to America

b) Change in attitude through a different culture and language c) Views of Japan

d) Gap between expectations and the real you e) Nonconformity while you are in Japan f) Change in value after living in America

4.3 Sample Characteristics

Table 1 presents major characteristics of the wives in the sample. Group A - Japanese wives whose husbands work for Japanese companies. Group B - Japanese wives whose residence/visa status changed when their husbands severed ties with their companies in order to stay in the U.S., finding other employment after their original overseas assignment had ended.

Group C - Japanese wives who came to the U.S. on their own or with their husbands. Some are married to American citizens as well as those whose husbands work as local employees.

Most of the participants were in their 30s and 40s, and the average period of stay was six years. Nine out of fifteen wives have children. All participants had experience working. In summary, the wives of Japanese businessmen in the sample are likely to be younger than many Japanese housewives and have work

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experience. Because the purpose of my study is to examine how the identity of the wives of Japanese businessmen change rather than to generalize my findings against the larger population, the use of a non-representative sample is justified.

In Part 1 of my interview schedule, the subjects were asked about their views of gender equality and careers. In Part 2, they were asked to describe how they dealt with cultural differences and to recall experiences with culture shock. In Part 3, they were asked to reflect on how they changed while living in the U.S.

The interviews were tape-recorded and subsequently transcribed for analysis. The process of data coding was based on the qualitative approaches described by (Coffey, 1996).

Table 1

Sample Characteristics

Number of Interviewees & Status of Residents

Period of

stay Age range Family

Group A 15 Wives of Japanese Businessmen, “Chuzai-in” 1-20 years (including 4 less than 3 years) 20s - 60s 9 with children 6 with no children

Group B 2 Wives of Japanese Businessmen who used to be “Chuzai-in”

15 years or

more 40s - 60s

2 with children

-

Group C 4 came to the U.S. on _{their own} 5-40 years 30s – 60s

1 with children

3 with no children

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5. Findings

Based on the answers to the questionnaires, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 21 wives of “Chuzai-in”. The findings are written along with the interview schedule. Their names shown in this article have been changed to guarantee confidentiality.

5. 1 Part 1 - Gender

5. 1. a) Do you agree with the idea that the husband should work outside and wife stay at home?

Ninety-five percent of the participants replied that it depends on each married couple. After asking them to think about their case, approximately 90% of participants said “No” and 10% said “Yes”. In addition, the data from the questionnaires demonstrate that 95% of the respondents did not support this idea. Comparing this to the result of a national attitude survey conducted by the Cabinet of Japan in 2014, 52% of Japanese women in Japan did not support this idea and 48% agreed with it. The Japanese wives in New York represent much less support for this opinion. The gap is significant.

However, they are all housewives in their lives abroad. They thought that staying in New York for their husbands represents a special time in their lives. If their environment allows them to work, they are willing to work, but that is not the case. As Naoko-san, who had two children (over 18), described:

I do not agree with it, because it should be by mutual consent. Women should have a chance to go outside to have various connections to society like men do.

I found an interesting difference in ideas between the group of mothers and the group of wives with no children. Mothers are

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satisfied with being stay-at-home-moms. One, who had one daughter, gave a typical comment: “While my daughter is little (under 13), I want to stay home with her.” Another mother said that if she works, her husband’s company will cut their benefits and she cannot be a dependent for health insurance. The total family income is reduced, or she has to earn a big salary. The husband’s company prohibited her from working in the U.S. As a result, such women stay home with their children.

Compared to mothers, the group of wives without children are not happy. They are worried about their status in New York. One of them regretted that she had to quit her job and give up her career. She knows that American women go out to work and pursue careers even if they have kids. One of the participants, Yoko-san, who had no children, was frustrated by having to stay home:

It is unfair. If the couple gets divorced, women are at a disadvantage due to a lack of financial independence.

In summary, most of the participants do not agree with the idea of “men work and women stay home”. However, mothers feel that living in America is exceptional experience so they are happy to be home. On the other hand, the wives with no children have various conflicts. They are generally unhappy.

5. 1 .b) What do you think is the ideal situation of women and their careers?

Responses fell into two groups: "I want to work if I have the circumstances to work" and "I want to work as long as I could (no matter what the

circumstances are.)" The former group had some opinions, such as: "I want to stay home when I have small children.”; "I want to work if I have a chance to do work I like.”; and "I want to stay home if my family does not have any financial

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problems.” Yoshina-san, who had two children (both are primary school students), explained:

I think it is good for me to stay home while my sons are little. I can see their growth each day. And I wonder if women like me should work even though I know that there would be inequality between men and women in a workplace.

She argued that women should stay home and take care of the kids, rather than working outside and dealing with stress. If women work outside home, they had to do housework and worked full time. Even though they worked, they did not get promoted like men.

The participants belonging to the first group answered from the viewpoint of their current circumstances in the U.S. They did not see any problems with the present situation since their husbands earned enough to cover family living expenses. Kanako-san, who had no children, gave a typical illustration of this perspective:

Whether I work or not, the family income won’t show a big difference because of the payroll system of her husband’s company.

If a wife works a certain amount of time, the family’s overseas allowance decreases. This means that if she works family income decreases. She has to accept the situation.

On the other hand, the second group did not have any opinions about finances or their situation in the U.S. However, they had many opinions about issues related to identity and careers, such as "I found that I could express myself in my work when I came to the U.S." (She realized it when she could no longer work); "I want to work as long as I can."; and "I want to work to see different values outside the family as well as to have social recognition." Some felt uneasy

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and insecure about their future as they might not have good employment opportunities when they return to Japan because of their employment gaps.

The respondents’ answers clearly showed two ideas which were their circumstances are more important than their career and vice versa. They think that work is about more than earning money. However, all recognized that their husbands’ salaries covered living expenses, since they typically earn more money working overseas. This fact slightly colors their attitudes. Although 90% of the answers for the first question in Part 1 a) were "No", I found various answers for Question b).

5. 1. c) Do you feel a change of consciousness being a woman in Japan and the U.S.?

Ninety percent of the participants answered “Yes”. Their answers showed differences depending on their length of stay in the U.S. Participants who had been in the U.S. less than three years stated, "Women are treated more politely in the U.S." Participants who had been in the U.S. more than five years thought that life in the U.S. was more comfortable than in Japan. Yuko-san, who with no children stayed in the U.S. for five years, indicated:

I do not feel free in Japan because I can hardly say ‘no’ especially to elderly males. There was also

expectations for women. For me, it is easier to live in the U.S. because American people treated women kindly and equally. So I feel myself as a natural woman in the U.S.

In Japanese society there is a hierarchy between young and old, and between men and women (Nakane, 1970). Thus in Japanese society, Yuko-san feels constrained by these hierarchies. In the U.S. she feels freer.

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The participants who had been in the U.S. more than 10 years answered that "Sometimes I feel like I had a different personality whether I was in Japan or the U.S.” According to the questionnaires, these women tended to feel a positive change of their personality when they moved between Japan and the U.S.

Overall, many participants said that it is easier and more comfortable for women to live in the U.S. than Japan. This was especially true of the participants who spent their pregnancies in the U.S. This is because everybody, including friends, neighbors, and even relative acquaintances, were so kind and concerned about them.

5. 1. d) How do you feel being a housewife?

Opinions are divided between mothers and wives with no children. Mothers had positive opinions such as “I do not have any difficulties being a housewife. Being a housewife is good because it has various facets such as raising children, doing housekeeping, and providing a good environment for my family.”

Another said “Being a housewife is a great job. I was very happy to stay home to see my children.”

On the other hand, the wives with no children had a negative image. They made comments such as “I am like a domestic servant.”; “I had negative feelings to become a dependent of my husband.” and “I’m doing nothing so I’m a housewife. I think that the difference between me and a ‘freeter’ is whether I am married or not.”

Mothers acknowledge that housework and childcare were a job and they appreciated it. They tended to positively accept the identity of “housewife” by attaching a second identity of “mother”. However, the wives with no children, even though they did housework every day, did not consider it to be a job. They did not admit “housewife” to their principal identity. They tended to think of it negatively

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and were even repelled by it, answering “No” in 100% of their responses to Part 1, Question a).

In contrast, many of them showed their enthusiasm for their careers, as demonstrated by their answers to Part 1, Question b). They were not satisfied with being housewives so their identity was unstable. They were also not satisfied with their life as it is.

It seems that the identity of “mother” has a great significance for both groups. Even the wives without children made comments such as “I had too much free time in the U.S., because I had no children….” This respondent explained that she had a lot of free time because she was not a mother. However, people around her in America and Japan expect her to have kids. Thus, she had some negative feelings about only being a housewife in the U.S.

Motherhood puts the wives of “Chuzai-in” into contact with the world outside their homes, expanding their horizons through activities with their children. Being a mother thus becomes a desirable social identity.

5. 1. e) Summary of part 1

The word repeatedly used throughout the interviews in Part 1 was “circumstances”. For instance, “If the circumstances allow me to work I would...” and “A housewife is a person who provides a good circumstance for her family.” They are living under circumstances not of their own choosing, nor are they in a position of control to change their circumstances. I heard many wives saying, ‘This time of residing abroad is exceptional.” Their only recourse was to seek the best way to manage this challenge, through choosing a different identity.

Mothers tend to form close-knit groups supported by the social norm of “motherhood”. They share a strong and stable identity and hold many ideas in common. In addition, the society supports their role as a mother. On the other

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hand, wives without children have more diverse opinions and form more loosely-knit groups.

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5. 2 Part 2 - Life in America

5. 2. a) Did you experience culture shock or depression after moving to the U.S.?

Ninety- five percent of the participants experienced negative feelings when they started to live in New York. Some called it culture shock. Others recognized it as some kind of depression or disorientation sometimes happens to wives of Japanese businessmen overseas.

Some participants shared their initial reactions when they experienced a different cultural pattern or habit. For instance, one said, “People in New York were not punctual, and they never apologized when they were in the wrong (in this situation Japanese definitely do), so I was frustrated.” Another one said, “The attitudes of clerks weren’t polite (The customer is always respected in Japan).” Still another said, “The city was dirty, noisy and in chaos. I was surprised. Was this the famous New York City?”

Others remembered their bitter early memories. “I shut myself up in the house for a couple of months. Every day was dark.” She said that she couldn’t become friends with anyone during her first year in the U.S. and recalled it as like a hibernation for her social activities.

Another participant, Maki-san, who had two children and stayed five years in the U.S., recalled her early days:

When I started to live in the U.S., I was overwhelmed by New York City. I felt frustrated among the people full of energy. Because I started to think that I had to do something. But…I had nothing to do but housework, and to support my husband. I left many things in my past, my friends, work, and life (she meant she wasn’t living her own life).

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They easily remembered something that had happened and how they had felt. They recognized their past unbalanced selves in comparison to their more stable lives in the present. They were only able to talk about these things after they had overcome their hardships.

Among the participants, mothers were less affected by culture shock and felt more positively than wives with no children. Chieko-san, who had three children, stated that she became friends with other Japanese mothers who had children the same age as hers:

I did not have heavy culture shock. I had three little kids so I was busy and did not have time to go outside for fun so I stayed home. But luckily I could make friends with other Japanese mothers. They gave me useful information. They taught me how to shop for Japanese food, told me about reliable doctors, and school for my children…almost everything.

Although the mothers didn’t have as many potential opportunities to independently explore the wider world available to the wives without children, it was the latter who suffered from depression. Mari-san who had no children said:

I was mistrustful of people and didn’t know how I would survive a life like this. I didn’t prepare for this and took it out on my husband.

They had more chances to go out of their homes as well as more time to think about themselves than the mothers. They suffered from staying at home.

Next, I would like to turn to the attitudes of the permanent residents. I interviewed three wives who had no “Chuzai-in” experience. They were permanent residents and visa holders who spoke English fluently and looked confident living in the U.S. Naomi-san, who was married to an American and lived in the U.S. more than ten years, said:

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When I first came to the U.S. after getting married, I felt that being a housewife was sad. For example, when American people asked me why I was here as I was a Japanese. I answered them that I was married to an American. Then everybody understood. I thought uncomfortable because it seemed that the only reason I was here was in the marital relation. But I am getting used to it. And now… I am always feeling a language barrier and that Japanese people are a minority.

Being in America, Naomi-san was more aware that she is minority. Because in Japan, she was always a member of the majority.

The big difference between wives of “Chuzai-in” and those women who were permanent residents related to their plans about going back to Japan. The permanent residents had been feeling the conflicts and language difficulties, always on their mind with no end in sight. On the other hand, the wives of “Chuzai-in” were able to manage their culture shock and negative feelings because they accepted their conflict by thinking, “This situation will last only three to five years, so we can put up with it because we are temporary residents in the U.S.”

The responses clearly indicated that every participant had culture shock to a certain degree. How did they work through this process of acclimatization? Some took a “so-what” attitude or stopped feeling down by changing their way of thinking to “It’s no use crying over spilt milk.” It seems that they chose to adjust when they realized that feeling down was not good for them and their families. Acceptance was one of the important factors that helped them overcome their initial shock. Friendship with other Japanese wives in the neighborhood who faced similar challenges was another way of learning how to adjust to temporarily

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5. 2. b) How are you influenced by a different culture and language?

Many of the participants felt a language barrier was their main cultural challenge. Some participants who stayed less than five years were likely to hold negative images of their present situations. Fumi-san, who had no children and stayed in the U.S. for four years, explained her language difficulties:

I worked as a professional in Japan. I had

confidence in my field with a lot of knowledge as well as experience. But here, I felt useless only because I didn’t speak English well.

Many participants described difficulties with English. One who spoke little English was frustrated because she felt that she was forced to be very introverted when normally an outgoing person. Others, due to a lack of spoken English, asked their husbands to call the utility office, their children’s school and landlord. Husbands even ended up managing the family budget. Some wives felt less significance as they were not doing their routine works.

Some participants, who stayed more than three years, realized that they had changed, describing that they had gained confidence and become stronger than before. Hiroko-san who had no children recalled her early days in the U.S.:

In my first couple of months in the U.S, I was very shocked when American people asked me back. ‘Huh?’ or ‘What?’ I knew it was because my pronunciation wasn’t good. My ESL teacher told me that American people didn’t get angry when he/she asked me again. But still, their attitude frightened me so much. But now, I am okay to speak broken English with bad

pronunciation. I became tough and more tolerant than before.

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In her early days, she hesitated to talk as she did not have confidence in her English. In addition, she had to deal with stress generated from the difference in attitude between Japanese and Americans. She knew the different attitudes; however, her feelings could not follow it. Thus, she was aware of differences in culture, but she still felt uncomfortable. At time of the interview, she used the word “tolerant” to express her identity because she could accept the differences and her mind could follow it, yet she still felt bad.

Most of the respondents said they had learned from their experiences. Everyday life gave them many lessons and learning opportunities. The wives faced various conflicts and got used to new situations.

5. 2. c) Do you see any changes in the relationships of your family in Japan and America?

Ninety percent of the participants answered that their family relationships changed in the U.S. It is true that some of them experienced a change in structure from extended to nuclear family. Others had gotten married just prior to moving to the U.S., so were experiencing additional changes as a result. Chika-san, who had an extended family in Japan, said:

I was happy to become a family of only five. I felt free. Japanese families of my husband’s company and our neighbors were very helpful, but did not interfere like my relatives in Japan.

Many participants who did not experience a change in family structure said that their family relationships were tighter and better in the U.S. "We had more time to spend together. That was one of the good things in the U.S." They often referred to the rich, natural environment in the U.S. Most of the mothers thought that it was better for their children to grow up close to nature.

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One of the biggest duties for Japanese mothers in the U.S. was to give their children a ride to school. They often car-pooled with friends of their children during the week. On the weekends, it was common for the expatriates to enjoy activities and outings as a nuclear family such as camping, family movies and food shopping. This was not as often the case in Japan, when families were likely to take public transportation to pursue individual interests. A father went golfing with his colleagues by car, a mother stays home and children went to their sports activities by train.

Without help from the extended family and network of friends in Japan, it seemed that bonds within the nuclear “Chuzai-in” family became stronger than ever. Sunao-san, who lived in the U.S. for one year and had no children, described her relationship with her husband during their stay:

I thought that our relationship was better in the U.S. Even if we quarreled, he was the only family for me. So, I thought I had to build a good relationship with him to survive in the U.S

In addition, values about the family changed. According to one participant: I value the time with my family together and also there

is a change in my value of money. Our family had been to many places where we couldn’t go if we had been in Japan. We could pay for it daringly because we value to make our memories overseas.

Many participants said they valued spending more time with their families, learning from Americans who put more weight on their personal life than work. In general, Americans do not work as much overtime, and take off for family matters. Some Japanese fathers took on the responsibility of taking their children to school before going to work. The mothers were satisfied with this change in their

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Although Japanese families felt closer, it was true that they sometimes felt lonely. During holidays, such as Thanksgiving and Christmas, most American people got together with their families and friends. Japanese families living in New York celebrated holidays together, as if their Japanese community were one big extended family.

5. 2. d) What do you think about Japanese society overseas?

Opinions were divided by status of residence and duration of stay.

Group _residenceStatus of Duration of stay Opinions about Japanese society

1

Wives of "Chuzai-in"

Less than 10 years Negative / Positive

2 10 years or more Positive

3

Permanent residents

Less than 10 years Negative

4 10 years or more Positive

The typical opinion for each group was as follows:

Group 1: Their feelings to Japanese society were ambivalent. They referred to the hierarchy of Japanese society. They did not want to get involved too much because they felt tired to pay attention to the other Japanese people, especially elderly person. Yet they should keep in touch with the community to gain daily and education information for their family. One participant said:

Table 2

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I am afraid of Japanese society in New York, because it is like a miniature concentrated version of real Japanese society. And there is a lot of gossip, too. Elderly people should be respected. At the same time, Japanese society is also a necessary place where I can get the education information for my children.

Group 2: They had positive opinions about current Japanese society. They were at a higher point in the hierarchy than group 1. They often compared the past

Japanese society in New York when they were at the bottom of the hierarchy. One participant said:

I think Japanese society overseas is very good. Attitudes of current wives of “Chuzai-in” are different from the ones in the past. Maybe ten years ago, we had to join Japanese society. We had many meetings or tea parties. It was like an obligation for wives of “Chuzai-in”. But now, if wives want to join, they can, if not, that’s okay.

Group 3: They had negative opinions about Japanese society. They tended to focus on the problems about Japanese society than appreciate Japanese culture. One participant said:

Japanese society in New York is very unnatural. It makes me feel very uncomfortable. When Japanese people get together they give the impression that they are relaxed and very friendly with each other. In these situations, I have to show respect by complimenting other Japanese, especially elderly men. I hate doing that because I don’t feel that way at all.

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Group 4: They were only concerned about good aspects of Japanese society, such as culture, opportunities to share Japanese feelings. They acknowledged that Japanese society was where they belong. One participant said:

Japanese society is a very important community for me where we share information and meet friends.

Sometimes I feel lonely because I have lived for many years far away from Japan. And in Japanese society, I can express who I really am.

Participants who lived in America less than 10 years (Group 1) tended to emphasize Japanese social issues. They pointed out both good and bad aspects of Japanese society. These participants considered that it was an important

community for them to share useful information about their daily lives and

children’s education. However, at times, it was also true that they wanted to keep a certain distance from other Japanese.

Groups 2 and 4, both wives of “Chuzai-in” and permanent residents who stayed in the U.S. for over 10 years, showed their appreciation for Japanese society. They tended to be attached to Japanese culture and respect Japanese tradition. They did not refer to hierarchy issues in Japanese society.

Permanent residents who were relatively young (Group 3) had negative opinions about Japanese society in New York. In fact, this was not based on their actual experience because they did not actively participated in Japanese society in New York. Thus, these opinions were just their observations as outsiders.

5. 2. e) Summary of part 2

In this section, Part 2, I asked about American life and culture shock and negative feelings after moving to America. In summary, responses are significantly influenced by the length of overseas stay. It took a certain period of time for

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meaningful self-evaluation. Wives of “Chuzai-in” who stayed for only a brief period of time might have had their process of change cut short. During the interviews, I saw a few participants in group 1 from Table 2, who said they thought that they had changed in some ways. However, they could not be more specific about how they had changed.

Mothers were less likely to have culture shock compared to wives without children because they were mothers both in Japan and America, an identity that did not change when they moved to New York. Thus, their identity of mother provided them with support.

Some wives in their 20s and 30s without children got married just before they moved to New York. As they supported the idea of equality for women and men, they had thought they would work even if they got married. However, their identity in New York was far from their ideal image of a wife. In fact, among their American neighbors, there were wives who went out to work while the husbands raised their children, but this was not for them.

Regardless of the degree of culture shock and disruption to identity

experienced by each group, survey results clearly showed that forming friendships with other Japanese wives was the key to acclimatization. It was important to have friends who shared the same language and culture and came together as a unit for social activities. Furthermore, family relationships got better and tighter. The community gave them a comfortable sense of conformity and belonging that led to a purpose for living.

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5. 3 Part 3 – Identity

5. 3. a) Do you feel any changes in attitude after coming to America?

All participants said that they did have a change in attitude. The most frequent answer was “In America, I didn’t mind people’s attention compared to Japan. I felt conformable.” In Japan, women usually pay close attention to the people around them. This is an integral part of Japanese culture – to “think of others”. The result is that one would receive too much attention from others, which is sometimes bothersome.

A second participant explained that she could take a subway in New York wearing Yoga clothes. She did not mind if her neighbors saw her going to the Yoga studio every day; people in New York did not pay much attention to other people while there were “public eyes” in Japan. She said that she couldn’t do the same thing in Japan because people might gossip about her. She welcomed her freedom to dress as she liked.

Some participants talked about their personal identity. They said that they had become tough and confident through their new American life. Other

participants recalled their school days. Some had worried if they had been

“unique”, or TOO different from their childhood friends, because Japanese culture appreciates “sameness”. They were relieved to find that there were many different kinds of people living in America. Although they once held negative views of themselves in Japan, they liked their characters now. Most participants were satisfied with their change of individual identity.

A few participants referred to their love for Japan. Fumi-san, who had no children and stayed for six years, explained:

I had never thought that I was Japanese when I lived in Japan. I felt deep appreciation for my country only after

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living abroad. Japan gave me a good education, work opportunities, and brought me up.

She developed a strong attachment for Japan. She re-acknowledged that she belonged to Japan as a Japanese citizen.

Some learned how to recognize and appreciate diversity. One learned not to see anything as homogeneous or uniform. One participant saw Japan objectively and said:

Japan is a very novel/particular country. For instance, I often thought that Japanese people should have wider points of view when I watched Japanese TV news programs. They should see outside of Japan more. I see Japan as Japan in the world.

While living abroad, some participants developed a sense of pride in their nationality, something they had not felt before. They hoped Japan would become a better country in the future. Yumiko-san, who stayed abroad for six years, said:

In Japan I thought Koreans and Chinese were different persons but now I feel we are the same Asian people.

The wives of “Chuzai-in” had new perspectives on their place in the world and a corresponding shift in identity.

Distancing themselves from the past and living under drastically different circumstances, these women were able to forge new identities. In fact, many of the women could see that they had changed from living in New York from their pasts.

5. 3. b) Do you feel rootless?

All the wives of “Chuzai-in” said “No”. However, half of the permanent residents felt rootless and half of them did not.

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The “Chuzai-in” wives’ responses were driven by their length of residence in the U.S. as well as their identification as Japanese nationals. One of the

participants, who had a relatively lengthy stay overseas, realized that she was really Japanese only after she and her whole family had returned their U.S. green cards.

On the other hand, the opinions of permanent residents were divided into two groups. Nami-san, who was married to an American stayed more than ten years in the U.S., explained:

I feel rootless to Japan. I think that I am rooted to America rather than Japan. I didn’t renew my Japanese driver license. I used to want to be connected to Japan but now that feeling is getting weak.

Keiko-san, who was married to a Japanese and lived abroad approximately 15 years, said:

I feel rootless. When I was younger, I didn’t mind it. Now I want to be connected to Japan so I am trying to get close to my family in Japan. I regard my Japanese nationality as very important.

Many of the participants referred to green cards and licenses; in contrast, Mamiko-san, who was married to Japanese lived overseas more than 20 years, said:

No matter how far from Japan, I don’t feel any rootlessness because I am Japanese.

She mentioned that she had lived as a Japanese in the U.S. Just her residence was not in Japan. Her mind strengthened her connection to Japan.

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These three women had a positive opinion about Japanese society in New York. They felt positively about the place where they were able to maintain their identity as Japanese through culture, language and close relationships with people like them.

5. 3. c) Did your views of Japan change?

Ninety-five percent of participants said that they liked Japan much better than when they had lived there. They gained a deeper appreciation of their own culture, art, food, and cartoons. Their views were affected by the popularity of Japanese culture in New York. Once aware of its popularity, they rediscovered the merits of their own heritage. One of the participants, Hana-san, explained her attitude change towards Japanese culture:

I was not interested in pottery at all before living in the U.S. But I reevaluated it when a lot of American people tried the pottery wheel.

Some participants insisted that Japanese people should appreciate their country more. Many participants praised the high quality of Japanese products in comparison with American products.

On the other hand, participants who stayed relatively long overseas stressed the problems with current Japanese foreign policies, the government’s inadequate support of earthquake recovery, flaws in the Japanese educational system, and so on. Chika-san, who stayed 20 years and had three children in the U.S., shared the following criticism:

Because Japan is really an island country, Japanese people see only inward side of their country. I imagine people inside the country might feel very safe because they didn’t take a broad view of things. For example, Japanese

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education. Teachers try to make the students alike. It is strange. If a student has unique ideas, she/he is excluded. When I used to tell my children what to do [like Japanese teachers,] they always told me ‘Okay mom, that’s your idea.’

She grew up in Japan. She learned not to be too unique by her Japanese teacher. She acquired her behavior as a parent from her parents. However, she learned from her children, who had completely different idea from her, and realized that uniqueness should be encouraged and children could show their independent ideas. Now she wanted Japanese education to change.

Most of the wives said that their views of Japan had changed. They had developed new perspectives after interacting with American people and culture. These experiences caused them to re-evaluate their personal feelings toward their own country and traditions.

5. 3. d) Do you feel the gap between expectations and the real you?

Seventy-six percent of the wives of “Chuzai-in” felt pressure when they were among Japanese people. This occurred during official parties held by their husbands’ companies as well as potluck parties with Japanese families. One participant said she had this feeling when she was with her husband at formal occasions. She watched her manners and was careful in what she said and did. Another wife with two children felt similarly:

I felt pressure when I went to a potluck party with other “Chuzai-in” families. I took care of my talk and behavior, but I felt it the most with my cooking. Among them, I should be a good cook, a good wife as well as a good mother. I showed my effort to be good in any way.

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Among Japanese people, she felt the gap between expectations and real her. Some of the participants also felt the gap when they were among American people. Because of their English limitations, they were left out of conversations.

Yuki-san, who had three children and stayed abroad for three years, described her discomfort with this situation:

I was a person with a lot of humor in Japanese. I wanted to make American people laugh. I wanted to express myself, but I felt the gap when I found I could only smile among them.

She does not feel the expectation gap among Americans. Rather she felt frustration at not being able to express herself in English.

Japanese social norms caused pressure on these women to be “good wives and mothers”. They acknowledged that they only felt this way among fellow Japanese. Although they were not subject to the same kind of social pressure from Americans, their lack of English fluency resulted in a different kind of disconnect, or blockage, from American society.

5. 3. e) Do you feel nonconformity while you are in Japan?

The answers to this question can be divided into two groups, separated by length of stay abroad. The group of “short-timers” did not understand what the question really meant. They valued the conformity of Japanese society. One

participant said that tears came into her eyes when they returned to Japan because the land was warm. She was happy because everyone spoke in Japanese so she could understand what was happening around her.

Answers from long-term residents illustrate how they had to consciously reintegrate themselves into Japanese society upon returning home. A participant who lived in the U.S. for seven years recalled her unconformity:

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I should act like other Japanese people do. I had to pay attention to other people surrounding me to read the ‘air’. I tried to speak less to avoid unnecessary

conversation because sometimes I was too literal in Japanese.

As she lived in the U.S. her identity changed, such as she sometimes spoke too honest for Japanese. Avoiding conflict with people in Japan, she tried to remember her behavior in a Japanese way. In Japan, there is a quote: Kuki wo yomu which means to read the air. In English, it means to read between the lines. In Japan it is very important to read between the lines in order to maintain good relationships with others.

Comments from a permanent resident reflected the effort required for re assimilation:

I felt more comfortable in the U.S. being myself; however, I enjoyed making an effort to meet the

Japanese expectations of being a Japanese woman when I was in Japan.

She changed her identity depending on the place. To do so, she could be herself in both countries. She did not mind feeling unconformity with assimilating in Japan. In fact, she wanted to feel the rigid conformity in order to confirm she was still Japanese.

They went back and forth between Japan and America; they switched their identity depending on where they were or who they were with. They called on various identities as they navigated through diverse situations, seeking the comfort of conformity.

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5. 3. f) Summary of part 3

The wives, who had children already enjoyed a second, very important identity of “mother”, and tended to experience relatively less depression. Their identity had not changed much by moving abroad. They had repeated

opportunities for recognition as mothers at home. Every time her children call “Mom-!” a mother feels a powerful, stable sense of identity and self-worth: “I am the mother of this child.”

One participant who had no children explained:

A “Mother” has more social recognition than a housewife with no children. Being only a “mother” cannot be

criticized but being only a “housewife” could be.

On the other hand, a wife without children and no employment has less opportunity for self-recognition. One of the women in this group lamented:

My career in Japan has gone, so I’m in “moratorium” (psychological term, being in one’s conflict) again. (Erickson, 1959)

She feels that she is operating in a void, or going through a period of inactivity, having lost her sense of self-worth. Her status is no longer defined in terms of her individuality but instead is just seen as a dependent of the principal visa holder, her husband.

The fundamental factor behind the depression of the wives without children was being “mere” housewives in America. In the U.S., this is a somewhat demeaning view and conflicts with Japanese societal norms in New York. The wives who were not willing to accept this under their changed circumstances had to look for second and third identities.

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This work investigates how a rarely-studied group - the wives of Japanese businessmen posted abroad - experience dislocation and identity change as they learn to adapt to the cultural, linguistic, and social challenges posed by their new environment.

In summary, my results in 2015 demonstrate that their changes have been far more dramatic than Yamada’s research showed in 2005. Due in large part to the powerful influence of American values, these women strongly believe in the equality of men and women, diversity, and self-realization. In addition, they created their own unique identities by integrating Japanese and American culture.

One of the most interesting findings in this research was that there were many factors causing the negative feelings experienced by “Chuzai-in” wives. Some important factors include the inability to work, language voids, and concerns about identity.

The concerns about identity prove to be the dominant factor affecting their psychological and emotional well-being. Wives who enjoy the respected identity of “mother” and “housewife” fall into this category. These wives with children have less depression because of three factors. One is that their identities do not change much by moving to America. In Japan they are mothers and in America they are also mothers. They can recognize who they are as persons through their children. The second factor is the mothers can have support from other people, such as friends who have children whose age are similar, neighbors, and children’s friend’s parents. This support structure helps them adapt to the new life and places a part in their identity. The third factor is that societal norms support their roles as mothers. Since the role of mother is highly respected in Japan and America, other people also view that role positively.

Identity of Japanese Women Living in New York

Table of Contents

Abstract

Acknowledgements

1. Introduction

1. 1 Where my research interest came from

1. 2 Significance and Questions

Research Questions

2. Literature Review

3. “Chuzai-in” Japanese Businessmen

4. Methodology

4.1 Questionnaires

4.2 Interviews

4.3 Sample Characteristics

5. Findings

5. 1 Part 1 - Gender

5. 2 Part 2 - Life in America

5. 3 Part 3 – Identity