Nominal Appositions and Presupposition-Focus Structure
Yoshie Yamamori
Doshisha University [email protected] /we Japanese 2 N1 N2 [N1 N2] (nominal apposition) N2 ( ) N1 N2 , 1996/ ,2016 N2 N1 N1 N2 A B A B ( ,2018) * Abrus n (2016) (2003) * N1 N2 (nominal apposition), (presupposition), (focus), (copula sentence)1.
[N1 N2] (nominal apposition) /we Japanese 2 1 6 2 (2016:39) (1996) N2 N1 N2 [N1 N2] N2 N1 N2 , 1996/ ,2016 1 N2 2 N1 N2 A B A B ( , 2018) * * N1 N22.
(2016:27) 3 N1 <N2 N1 > ( )3 3 ( ) ( ) e.g. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( )- ( ) 3 N1 N2 [N1 N2] [N2 N1] A. (1) a. a’. * b. b’. * c. c’. * (2) a. a’.* (3) a. 3 (2016) BCCWJ 1.1.0 35,322 + 14,273 ( ) (2017) [ 1] ( (2017) ) a’. * b. b’. * c. c’.* (4) a. a’. * b. b’. * B. (5) a. a’. b. b’. (6) a. a’. b. b’. N2 (2) (1a-c) / / (3a,b) / (4a,b) / N1 (5a,b)(6a,b) / / / / / / N1 N2 (5a,b)(6a,b) N2 N1 (1996) NP1/NP2 × (2a) × (1a,b) (1c) ( ) (5a,b) ( ) × (4a,b) × (3a) ( ) × (6a) × (3b) ( , 2017) (2016)
(2016) (5a,b)(6a,b) (2018)
N1 N2
A B
-(4a) (5a)
(4’a) (4a') (5’a)
(5'a’) (4a)(5a) N1 N2 A B A B (4)’ a. ( ) a’. (* ) (5)’ a. ( ) a’. ( )
(5a) (5a') (4a)
(4a') 2 N N2 A B -N1,N2 A B A,B (4’a,a’)(5’a,a’) N1 N2 N1 N2 A B (4a') (5a’) N1 N2 4 Abrus n (2016:184)
Assume, as is standard (cf. Heim and Kratzer 1998) that the denotation of a relative clause is a lambda-abstract ( x. broke the typewriter (x)).
3.
N1 N23.1
Chomsky, 1970 (focus) -< > Rooth( 1992, 1996) < > Abusch(2010) Abrus n (2016) / (anaphora resolution) (7a) it-cleft Bill/ (7b) it-cleft who
/ it-cleft
/ Bill
-it-cleft
4
(7) a. It is [Bill]F [who broke the typewriter]Q
[ ]Q [ ]F
b. Background question: Who broke the typewriter? ( ( ) ) c. Presupposition generated: Somebody
broke the typewriter. ( ) Abrus n (2016) (8) the German
(9) I
-From this the Hamblin-style question denotation ( p. x. [p= w. broke the typewriter (x) (w)]) can be recovered straightforwardly. Thus there is no ambiguity as to the identity of the background question that the it-cleft answers.
it-cleft cf.(7a)
(cf.(8))
- (cf.(9))
((8)(9) F )
(8) John only talked to the GERman F professor.
(9) Only IF did my homework.
A,B
3.1.2
It-cleft
[
-
]
B
(5)(6) ( ) N2 it-cleft/ N1 / (5) a. a’. b. b’. (6) a. a’. b. b’. Chomsky 1970 (5a,b)(6a,b) / N2 / N1 N2 - / -it-cleft (5a,b)(6a,b) [ ] N1( / ) N2 / (5)’ a. b (6)’ a. b. (2003) (5a) N1 (5a) N2 (10a) (10b) (10)a. ( ) ( ) ( ) b. ( ) ( ) ( ) (5a,b)(6a,b) (5a’,b’) (6a',b')
N1 N2
(5a b) (5a',b') (6a b) (6a',b')
(5)” a. ( ) a’ ( ) b. ( ) b’. ( ) (6)”a. ( ) a’. ( ) b. ( ) b’. ( )
N1 N A N1 N2
3.1.3
A
N1 N A B N1 A B N2 A N1 N2 N1 N1 §3.1.1 it-cleft -(Abrus n , 2016) A N1 ((1a)) ((1b)) ((3a)) ((1c)) (3b,c) 5 B N1 A,B N1 N2 (2003:126) [ ] ( ) 2 5 (4a,b) N1 N2 A N1 / 2 N2 A N2 N1 ( ) B N2 (2003:123) A B A B B (11) A (11) ( ) ( ) a. * b. * (1a-c) N1 N2 N1 N2 A (1‘) N1 N2 (1)’a. a’. * ( OK) b. b’. * ( OK ) c.c’ ? ( OK) A (3a-c) (3’a) 3‘a 3’a (3’b) (3)’a. a’ b. b’. c. c’ (3a-c) N1 deictic N1 (2003:96) (3a-c) (3’a) (3a-c) N1 (12) a.* b.* ( ) c.* (3a-c) N1 N2 ( ,2003) (3a-c) (3a-c) N1 A (4a,b) N1 / / (4)’ a. a’. b. b’. / (4’a, b) (4’a’, b‘) (4a,b) A N1 A B N1 N2 (4a.b) N1 N2 N1 N2 (4a,b) (4a,b) N2 N1 (13) ( ) ( ) a. b. (4a.b) N1 N2 (4’a,b)
(13a,b) (4a,b) N1 N2 ( ) (4a,b) N1 N2 (14) a. (* ) b. . (* ) c. (* ) d. (* ) e. (* ) f. (* ) N2 N1 (13a,b) N2 N1 / * /* / (M) (H) MH N1 N2 6 (3a-c) 6 head (modifier) (M) (H) MH
3.1.4
A
/
B
§3.1.3 (14a-f) N1 N2 (14f) N1 (15a) (15b) N1 (15) a. b. 44 (15a,b) N1 N2 (16a,b)(17a,b) (2003) (18a,b) (16) a. ( ) b. ( ) (17) a. 44 b. 44 (18) a. ( ) b. ( , 2003) (15a,b) N1 N2 (19a,b) (19) a. b. 44 A B C4.
(1)(3)(4)(5) N1,N2 I,II MH / / MHI. N1 N2 II. N1 N2 III. N * (1)(3)(4) II (5)(6) ( ,2003) I ( ,2003) (1)(3)(4) (5)(6) I II (15a,b) IV (15a,b) (18a,b) IV. N1: N2: (3) (4)
[1] Abrus n M rta (2016) Presupposition cancellation: explaining the ‘ soft-hard ’ trigger distinction. Natural Language Semantics 24: pp. 165-202.
[2] Chomsky, Noam (1970) Deep structure, surface structure and semantic interpretation. Jakobson, R. & S. Kawamoto (eds.) Studies in General and Oriental Linguistics: Tokyo:TEC. [3] (1996) 22, pp.1-13. [4] (2016) ( ) pp.21-40. . [5] (2017) 42 . [6] (2018) 157 pp.412-417. [7] (2016) ( ) pp.65-82. . [8] (2003)
