パーリ学仏教文化学 (9) - 001Gamage Siri「Sharing Grief and Suffering ： Temple Culture and the Buddhist Community in Rural Sri Lanka」

(1)

Society for the Study of Pali and Buddhist Culture

Society for theStudy of Pali and Buddhist Culture

Sharing

Grief

and

Suffering:

Temple

Culture

c!.)

and

the

Buddhist

Community

in

Rural

Sri

Lanka

Siri

Gamage

Human

suffering

(dukkha)

and

_grief

<s'o-ka)

are

universal

human

ex-periences.

In

different

social, cultural

and

historical

contexts

_people

address

these

with

distinctive

explanations and solutiens.

The

Buddhist

belief

system

(dharma)

is

an example.

As

Buddhism

was

localised

in

different

_parts

of

the

world over

thousands

of.

_years,

Buddhist

explanations

and

solutions

regarding

_grief

and suffering

have

diversified.

Sinhalese

Buddhists

in

Sri

Lanka

developed

explanations

and solutions

to

_grief

and suffering

following

77zerayada

Buddhism.

In

this

_paper

I

describe

the

way a rural

Buddhist

community

in

highland

Sri

Lanka

approach suffering and

_grief,

role

of

the

ternple

and

the

monks,

characteristics

of

the

temple

community

and

certain

rites and

rituals associated with

the

temple

culture

and

the

Buddhist

community.

At

the

end

several

statements

in

relation

to

the

contemporary

_practice

of

Buddhism,

organisation

of

the

Buddhist

cemmunity,

temple

([[

1i

structurcs and ritual ceremonies are made.

Buddhist

Community

The

Buddhist

community

consists of

temple

communities.

The

Buddhist

community

in

liarahapola

is

divided

into

five

temple

communities.

Families

show allegience

to

one or

another

temple

of

the

area

through

their

involvement

in

the

temple's

rituals, ceremonies and other

activities.

Every

household

needs

Buddhist

monks

at

times

of

distress

such as

illness

or

death.

Monks

have

specific

roles

to

_piay

in

these

(2)

2･

?a'

--

iJ

.,')fi

i,g.,.&..gti{.

It"iS:..

members.

The

Buddhist

community

is

affected

by

modernisation, social change

and

differentiation.

These

have

brought

social cleavagcs

and

frustrations

eg.

_pelitical

differences,

economic

hardships,

family

disputes,

children's

problems,

marital

disharmony.

The

failurc

to

fulfil

Iife's

_goals

in

education, employmcnt,

housing,

food,

marriage,

human

relations also

bring

strcsses

which

in

turn

create

suffering and

_grief.

Canonical

Buddhism

explains

the

causes of suffering and

_grief

systematically.

Su'ffering

Fundamental

Buddhist

concepts such

as

the

four

noble

truths

(chaturanya

satyaya) explain

the

existence

of

suffering,

its

causes

(ie.

craving) ,

the

extinction

of

suffering

(nibha4a)

and

the

way

to

eliminate

suffering

(eight-fold

vvay).

Based

on

Buddhist

scriptures

Narada

describes

these

in

the

following

manner

(Narada

1982:

19-20)

:

Suffering:

Birth

is

suLt7lering, old age

is

sufil7ring,

disease

is

sufiizring,

death

is

stijifering,

to

be

separated

from

the

_pteasant

is

sufflerring,

not

to

receive what one craves

for

is

sufik7ring,

in

brief

the

five

aggregates of attachment are suj[fi2ring.

Cause

ofSecffering:

It

is

the

craving

which

leads

from

rebirth

lo

rebirth

accompanied

by

lust

ofpassion,

which

delights

now

here

nove

there;

it

is

the

craving

for

sensual

_pleasures

(kamata4ha),

for

existence

(bhavata4ha)

andfor

annihilation

(vihhavatarpha)

.

Annihilation

ofSufferz'ngstt

is

the

remainderless,

total

annihilation

of

this

very craving,

the

forsaking

oj'

it,

the

breaking

toose,

fleeing,

deliverance

_from

it.

Path

teading

to

the

Annihitation

_of

Suffen'ng:

it

is

the

Noble

Eighij'old

Path

which consists

of

right understanding, right

thoughts,

right

_speech,

right action, right

livelihood,

right endeavour, right

min(ifulness,

and right concentration.

(3)

..rrS..L}tga!!,!rLt,

Qltief

and

-S-u.f.fcring:.

_{.T.-emprcL{lg!1!ytuLe-,'Lt.d-thc}

_.B.

uddhist

Communit},

3 be

constantly

_pondering

on suffering

and

iead

a miserable unhappy

lifc.

He

exhorts

them

to

be

always

happy

and cheerfui

for

zest

Cpiti)

is

one

of

the

factors

of enlightenment.

Instead

of

trying

to

rationalise

suffering,

Buddhism

takes

suffering

for

_granted

and seeks

the

cause

to

eradicate

it.

Suffering

exists

as

teng

as

therc

is

craving.

It

can

only

be

annihilated

by

treading

the

Noble

_Eightfold

Path

and

attaining

the

supreme

bliss

of

Nibbana'

(Narada

1982:

21)

.

Further

explanations

of

suffering

can

be

found

in

other

Buddhist

disceurses

eg.

Pa(icca

Samuppada

(dependent

origination)

.

It

explains

thc

cause of rebirth

and

suffering,

Dependent

on

ignorance

of

the

Four

Noble

Truths

arise activities

CSankhdira)

-both

moral

and

immotal.

Dependent

on

aetivities

arise re-birth consciousness

(Vinfiana).

Simultaneous

with

the

arising

of

rebirth consciousness

thc

mind and

body

come

into

being

(Ndma-rtipa).

The

_consequences _are

_the

_six

senses

<Sagdiyatana).

Because

of

the

six

senses

contact

(Phassa)

sets

in.

Contact

leads

to

feeling

_(Vedana)

.

These

five,

viz., consciousness, mind

and matter,

six

senses,

contact and

feeling

are

the

effects of

_past

actions.

Dependent

on

feeling

arises craving

(Tti4ha)

.

Craving

results

in

grasping

(Cipddana).

Grasping

is

the

cause of

Kamma

(Bhava)

which

in

turn

conditions

future

birth

(Ja-ti)

.

Birth

is

the

inevitable

cause

of

old

age

and

death

(Jara-Maropa)

.

It

also

creates sorrow,

lamentation,

_pain,

grief

and

despair.

Looking

at

this

cause-effect chain

in

reverse order

helps

us

to

understand

Pagicca

Samuppdda

better

(Narada

_1982:

39-40).

The

focus

of

this

_paper

is

the

manner

a

Sri

Lankan

community

translates

Buddhist

explanations

into

_practice

in

every

day

life.

Buddhist

Terraples

In

Varahapoga

some

temples

are new.

Established

tempies

have

land,

other

income

sources such as weekend and afternoon

tuition

classes,

(4)

4

,g- i)f}"-

U,

ta

_JZ:Itt;'j;-:

monks on a rotation

basis.

Some

temples

are

_partly

completed

eg.

they

don't

have

a

_preaching

hall

(ba4a

salava) ,

a

pagoda

<caiti)

or

a

bo

tree

(bOdhi).

In

others

there

is

no

_proper

living

_quarters

(divasa>,a)

for

the

monks.

Funds

are raised

by

various

means

to

construct

these

necessities.

They

include

donations

of money and materials

by

individuals

and

families,

auctioning of

items

collected

from

the

temple

(3)

community

in

a salpila.

From

the

Buddhist

_point

of view

donations

made

for

the

_purpose

of

a

temple's

development

accrue

merit

<pin)

.

Ideally

a

Buddhist

temple

must

have

certain

symbols

and

facilities.

These

include

a

shrine room with a

Buddha

statue and statues of

Buddha's

main

disciples

(vihdira

_ge),

a

bo

tree

<bOdhiya)

and a small

shrine, a

_pagoda

with

the

relics of

the

Buddha

or

his

disciples

(dagdba

or vehera),

living

quarters

of

the

monks

(divasa

_ge

or

dvasaya),

audience

or

_preaching

hall

(dharma

salava or

ba4a

salava), and a

compound

for

the

_peopte

to

gather

and offer

flowers.

It

is

also

customary

to

have

a

small

deity

shrine

(de-va-la

_geJ

or

devalaya)

within

the

temple

_premises.

There

is

a cornmittee of

_patrons

(dayaka

sabhava) which

handles

the

development

activities

of

the

temple,

its

rituals

and

cerernonies.

High

and

_paddy

Iands

which are

donated

to

the

temple

by

people,

including

kings

and

other

nobility,

are

also

owned

by

temples.

The

locality

where

a

temple's

dayakayo

live

was

traditionally

known

as

_goduru

_gama

(the

village

_providing

sustenance

to

the

monks)

.

A

temple

also

has

a

dhamma

school

for

children,

a

library

and

a

_pirive4a

(a

school

for

teaching

Buddhism

to

novices),

In

reality

a

given

temple

has

these

_{pre-requisites}

in

varying

degrees.

Improvement

of

the

_physical

facilities

of a

temple

is

a

key

concern

of

the

committee as well as

the

incumbent

monks.

Generally

the

functions

of a

temple

are:

(a)

the

_propagation

of

dhamma

through

various

_practices

and

programs,

sermons,

_pdy'a-,

meditation,

Sunday

dhamma

school,

(5)

TSharing

Grief

and

Suffering:

Temp-Lc-.C.tg.l.tyrc

anq.;.l].g-lj/yddhist

Communitx,L

5 (b)

the

_performance

of religious

rites

associated

with a

_person's

illness

Ceg.

pirita),

death

(mataka

vastra

_pdy'a-va),

alms

_giving

(danaya)

.

(c)

thc

_provisic)n

of advice and counselling

to

_gricved

household

members

in

situations

of

distress,

(d)

the

_provision

of a meeting

_place

for

thc

members of

the

temple

community and organisation of community

based

re}igious

activities

eg. religious

_processions.

Some

Buddhist

monks are

knowledgeable

in

astrology

and

_provide

a

service

by

reading

horoscopcs

and

_preparing

talismans

(yantra)

to

overcome

the

iil

effects of certain

_planets

on

individuals.

Chief

monks

in

Hofidagama

and

Rojagama

temples

engaged

in

these

activities.

Temple

Rites,

Cults

and

Rituals

Temple

is

the

centre of religious

activities

by

different

segments

of

thc

Buddhist

community.

Community

members contribute materially,

financiaily

and with

Iabour

in

organising various events on special

days

of

the

_year.

These

are

organised

by

the

tcmple

committee

wjth

the

incumbent

monks'

advice

and

direction.

There

are rituals wherc

the

monks

and

lay

_people

_participate.

There

arc

o{hers

restricted

to

monks oniy

ie.

initiation,

higher

ordination

(upasampaddi).

Usually

on

full

moon

days

there

are

Buddha

_ptll'a'

(offerings

in

thc

name

of

the

Buddha),

and

offerings

of

flowers

and

lights

(mal7pahan

_pdy'a-)

where

members

of

the

Buddhist

community

participate.

Therc

are also meditation

_pregrams

attendcd

by

men and

women.

In

Sri

Lanka

full

moon

days

are

_government

holidays.

Programs

on

May

wesak

day

and

June

_poson

day

occupy

special

significance

because

the

former

signifies

lord

Buddha's

birth,

enlightenment, and

_passing

away.

The

latter

is

important

becausc

it

commemorates

the

bringing

of

Buddhism

to

Sri

Lanka

by

Rev.

(6)

6

1V- ,JJii;:V,,k,k-kfic

i';:

offering

flowers

and

lights,

and offerings

to

thc

Buddha

(mai-pahan

pu-jo

and

Buddha

_ptby'aU)

,

there

are

devotional

or congregational offerings

called

bOdhi

_pdy"a'

(offerings

in

the

name

of

the

bo

tree)

attended

by

the

Buddhist

community.

Bo-dh

i

Pap"a-According

to

Silva

`Among

the

Buddhists

the

bOdhi

tree

became

an

object of worship, not

because

of

an

innate

mysterious

_power

_possessed

by

the

asvattha,

but

because

it

sheltered

the

Buddha

at

the

momcnt

of

supreme enlightenment'

(Silva

1993:

79-81).

Following

the

details

found

in

ka"lingabodhija-taka

about

bOdhiptij'a-

_performed

by

Emperor

Asoka,

Silva

further

describes

the

honours

bestewed

on

the

bOdhi

tree:

1. bathing

the

trcc

in

scented water,

2. offering

flowers,

3. Iighting

lamps,

4. hanging

_garlands,

5. hoisting

flags

and

banners,

6. burning

incense,

7. _placing

vases of

_plenty,

8.

construction of railings,

_platforms

and entrances,

9.

sprinkling silvery or

_golden

sand,

10. _playing

music,

11.

circumambulation,

12. exclamation

of

_pious

joy

`sadhu sadhu',

13. paying

homage

with clasped

hands,

14. construction

of

_pillars

(Silva

1993:

84).

In

Sri

Lanka

bOdhi

pdya-

is

an

organised

and

directed

activity

or

an

individual

act

by

a member or several members of a

family

with or

without

the

direction

of

a

monk.

In

most

temples

there

is

a

bodhiya

with

a

bo

tree

and

a shrine room attached

te

it

housing

a

Buddha

statue.

After

the

_participants

are

_given

three

refuges and

five

_precepts

by

a monk, offerings of

flowers,

incense,

drinks,

lights,

and

wershiping

of

the

Buddha,

the

Dhapnma

and

the

Sangha,

he

reads out certain verses

in

_poetic

style.

Participants

follow

him

and sing

in

a

_group.

The

rhythm

used

in

bOdhi

_pdy'aM

verses

is

different

from

that

used

in

chanting

Pali

verses

(gatha).The

former

_appeals

_to

lay

_participants

because

_they

_are

spoken

in

Sinhala

and

the

meanings

are

understood readily.

In

(7)

Sharing Gricfand Sut/fering]

'tleil.}.pLe.g.l.L.ll!.u.!'-

¢

_.

g.I.l.{.l-!b-c-i.-u.[l.gl-ii.!!/.[:･.o-g.y/.uu.ui!y.

7 During

thc

three

months

of

rain

retreat

(vassana

samaya)

it

is

cenducted weekly.

In

Roja.oama

temple

it

is

held

with

less

regularity.

On

each occasion

the

responsibility of organising a

bOdhi

_piig'ci

is

given

to

a

_group

of

households.

They

are expected

to

_prepare

the

flowcrs,

inccnsc

sticks, coconut oil, small

flags,

coins,

dahat

(bctel,

arecanut,

lime),gilanpasa

(drinks

for

offering

to

the

Buddha)

and

10

rvtpees

for

the

_electricity _expenses _of

the

day.

FI'he

_names _of

_peopie

who

arc rcsponsible

for

a

bOdhi

_paia-

on a

_given

day

are

displayed

on a

notice

board

outside

the

temple.

In

1986

I

witncssed a

bOdhi

_ptzfa"

at

thc

Horidagama

temple

attended

by

112

women and

42

men.

In

introductory

remarks

the

monk stated

that

the

mental

_power

one can

_gain

by

remembering

the

triple

_gem

Cie,

the

huddha,

the

dhamma,

the

sangha)

is

very valuable.

Pcop}c

must

try

to

internalise

the

_powers

of

lord

Buddha

according

to

their

ability.

The

person

who

lives

by

disciplining

his

mind,

the

body

and

the

word

will

be

free

from

troubles.

He

advised

the

_people

to

lead

a

life

consonant

with

dhamma

<dhammacdiri

_{1'ivi.tayak).}

`Through

the

conduct of

bOdhi

p[ij'a

one

_gains

a mental

_power

which will make

him!her

free

from

troubles

(karadara).

BOdhipdy'a-

is

held

in

the

name of

Jaya

Sri

Mah(j

BOdhiya

(the

sacred

bo

tree

in

India).

In

effect

_people

will

be

free

from

the

evil effects of

the

nin ¢

plancts

(nava

graha

d(]sa)

and

bad

effects of

the

evil eye and

the

mouth

(as

vaha and

kata

vaha) i.

He

wished

that

the

_gods

such as

Sri

Vis.rpu

who

_protects

Buddhism

may

receive

the

merits

_generated

by

the

hOdhi

_ptij'a-

and

the

_people

taking

part

in

the

pby'a-

bc

free

from

the

cycle of

birth,

death

and re-birth

(,s4msara)

, and achieve nirva4a.

The

pdy'a-

items

preparcd

by

the

temple

committee were offered

to

thc

bOdhiva.

v

At

thc

end of

_pdy'a'r

were

the

wishes

for

all

beings

to

be

free

frorn

hatred

(vaira),

obstacles

(pi-d.a),

and

il]

will

(vympada>,

for

_gaining

strength

to

use

_present

life

comfortably,

to

be

able

to

continue

to

enjoy

(8)

s

iL- i)･ri,,C,.Ek')ti.4.(,l'.

P'ollowing

the

monk's

statements

the

bcnefits

sought

by

_{participating}

in

a

bOdhi

_pby'a-

can

be

summarised

as

follows:

(a)

the

total

success,

total

_gain,

health

benefits

by

removing all

illnesses,

bad

influences

from

the

nine

_planets,

bad

influences

from

non-human

beings,

and

bad

influences

from

lesser

beings

or spirits

(bhtzta

dosa).

(b)

lollg

life,

frecdom

from

illness,

popularity

and

_prestige

(yasas'a

and

kirtiya)

, wealth and

power.

(c)

freedom

from

suffering,

fear,

diseases,

cunning

and

harmful

schemes,

ill-wi]1,

jealousy,

and

hatred.

When

an

individual

conducts a

bOdhi

_pdy'a-va,

hefshe

carries

a

_pot

of

water or cow's milk around

bOdhiya

three

times

whi}e contemplating

_on

hislher

wishcs.

At

the

end of

the

third

round

the

water or

milk

is

poured

on

to

the

tree

roots.

This

happens

after

taking

th

¢

three

refuges

and

five

_precepts,

as well as offerings

of

fiowers,

etc.

to

the

Buddha,

the

Dhamma

and

the

Sangha.

It

is

clear

that

the

contemporary

_practice

of

bOdhi

_pop-aT

in

Vdrahapola

has

similarity

to

bOdhi

_pdy'a"

activities

described

by

Silva.

However

her

conclusion

about

the

contemporary

bOdhi

_pdy'a-

is

open

to

doubt.

_She

says

that

`the

Buddhist

cult

of

the

bOdhi

tree

today

is

mainly

an expression of

_gratitude

for

sheltering

the

Buddha

at

the

moment

of

Supreme

Enlightenment'

(Silva

1993:

_88).

Varahapola

residents expect

material

benefits

also

from

the

cult and

the

Buddhist

monks mention

this

in

their

adresses.

People

_participate

in

bOdhi

_pdy`aU

_not _only

_to

_be

free

from

suffering

but

also

to

achieve

happiness

and success,

to

be

able

to

enjoy

life

and

its

_prosperity.

Securing

_more

_wealth

_and

_power

_are

also

expected.

KathiRa

Pinkama

(ceremony

for

the

offering

of

robes)

The

ceremonial

_presentation

of

robes

(chivara)

is

another

_ptig'a-

occasion

(9)

Society forthe Study of Pali and Buddhist Culture

Sharin-g.Grie-f..qnd

5utlt.p.ttig:

TemplgLCulturc

a.n.a th¢

Buddhist

Community

9 sewcd

and

coloured

by

members

of

the

temple

community.

They

are

offered

to

the

monks eeremonially

during

the

rainy retreat of

Buddhist

rnonks

toward

thc

latter

_part

of

the

_year

ie.

November.

In

Ray'agama

the

Women's

Association

assisted

in

organising

this

event along with

the

temple

committee.

Association

members

visited

households

to

collect

contributions

for

the

occasion,

Items

collected

included

coconut

oil,

kerosene

oil,

rice

and

money.

The

oils "rere

for

lighting.

Items

like

rice were _converted

to

_money

in

_order

_to

_purchase

_the

_clethes

_necessary

for

making robes.

In

i985,

Rs.

850

_vL'ere _collected

from

_the

_temple

community

for

the

two

robes.

In

1985

at

a

ka(hina

_pinkama

a

Buddha

_pdy'a-

was

held

around

11.00

am

followed

by

ddnaya

organised

by

the

temple

community.

Main

participants

were women

dressed

in

white.

In

a ritual

called

_poya

kin'ma

new robes were _offered

to

_the

_temple's

_two

_resident

_monks

by

visiting monks

in

a water

stream

close

to

the

temple

in

the

afternoon.

New

rebes

are

atso

offered

to

the

monks at

the

end

of

a

three

month

_pirita

and

danaya.

Householders

buy

alapirikara

(eight

iterns

offered

to

the

monks)

from

the

shops

in

Kandy

or

the

temples

with

an

over-supply.

Sitvisi

Vivararpaya

(Pledge

takings

by

asPirants

to

Buddhahood)

This

is

another

ceremony

held

at

Ra.iagama

temple

in

1986.

The

acts

of

pledging

(vivara4a

gdinima)

by

to

Buddhahood

were

depicted

in

colour

_pictures

and

displayed

in

the

audience

ha]l.

Therc

were

twenty

two

_pledgings.

T-he

dancing

and singing

dhamma

verses

in

memory

of

_previous

aspirants

to

Buddhahood

by

trained

_dancers

is

called stivisi vivar4a

ndyuma.

It

started around

4.30

am and continued

until

6.00

am

the

Earlier,

_the

dancing

items

donated

by

_the

temple

community were auctioned

in

a saipita.

The

auctionecrs were

professional

poets

(viridu

kdrayO)

engaged

by

the

temple

committee

for

(10)

10

,N- 'Jf']':V,

it

_.tc

ftf'ii:

A･

few

days

before

the

st-tvisi vivara4a.va,

the

chief inonk visited

households

with members

of

the

committee

to

inform

the

date

of

vivara4a.va and salpila

formal].y.

The

monk

inferrned

the

householders

the

items

required

for

the

successful

saipila

and

vivararpaya.

A

monetary

contribution

and

a

valuble

item

which

can

be

auctioned

at

saipila

were

expected.

These

iterns

are called sal

_pil

bha44a

(goods

for

auction).

Colour

_pictures

depicting

24 _previous

vivaraua

gdnima

werc

priced

at

Rs.

100

each.

The

monk

insisted

the

householders

to

buy

a

_picture.

The

purchasc

of

a

colour

_picture

depicting

the

act

of

_pledging

is

rcferrcd

to

as

vivararpayak

_gani"ma

_giving

symbolic

identity

and

meaning

to

the

two

acts

ic.

actual

_pledging

to

bc

Buddha

and

the

_purchase

of a coloured

picture.

The

well-t()-do

householders

could

_purchase

the

_pictures

at

the

fixed

_price

of

Rs.

100. They

vvere

given

an

opportunity

to

offer

flowers,

and

ddhdit

_gilanpasa

(betel,

arecanut,

lime

and

drinks)

during

the

actual

vivararp,a nat"ma.

The

day

of

the

vivararpaya

offered

an

opportunity

for

the

rnen,

the

women,

the

boys

and

_girls,

and

the

children

to

enjey and

cntcrtain

throughout

the

night

by

watching

the

activities,

meeting

others,

chatting,

buying

items

in

competition

with each other and so on.

It

is

essential

to

_"nderstancl

the

meaning

of

vivara4a

_ganima

described

in

Buddhist

literature

in

order

to

understand

its

religious

significance.

In

Buddhist

belief

vivararpa

_gdinima

is

eonsidered as an act

of

highest

spiritual achievement and commitment.

In

each era

of

a

living

Buddha

the

_person

who

is

destined

to

become

the

takes

his

_pledge

before

the

living

Buddha.

It

is

a

supreme

act

achievable

only

by

a

_person

who

has

developed

spiritually over several

rebirths.

In

contemporary usage,

the

offering of

fiowers,

etc

during

vivara4a _nd(uma

in

the

_name _of

_previous

_aspirants

to

Buddhahood

is

_a

privileged

act.

From

an anthropological

_perspective

the

important

fact

is

that

this

is

restricted

to

those

making

the

highest

monetary contribution

rather

than

those

who

have

achieved

highest

spiritual

development.

(11)

.i..Llg/!1/n.-gt!/!'g!]pt'

and

Suft'gtt/gg:

TeLi.lll!El-C]Lu]iure

and thc

Buddhist

Community

1'1

non-material

(spiritual)

acts

in

contemporary

Sri

Lankan

Buddhist

prac-tice.

'I'he

saipila

and

savisi vivara4a.va which were conducted

tially

exempiify

this

mixture.

Thc

items

received

by

the

tempie

for

auction were

homc

made

traditional

cookies

such

as

kokis,

aggaia, aluvd,

_gojoor,

urun4a,

_pol

kdivum,

urfdu ivade, cutlets,

dodol.

and

mur"kku,

There

were

some

plantains

and

handmade

items

such as

trays

and

coconut

leave

boxes,

Purchased

items

_likc

soap,

tea,

cake,

brass

items,

towels,

biscuits,

exercise

books,

handkerchiefs,

ice

cream cups were also rcceived.

Viridu

karaydi

used

sarcasm,

_group

_psychology

and

his

skills

in

_poetic

language

to

excitc and stimulate

the

crowd.

The

prices

secured

in

salpila were

significant.

A

eake of

Rexsona

soap

which cost

Rs.

3.90

was auctioned

for

Rs.

240.00,

Saban

_gama

(use

of

soap)

has

eretic

connotations.

Viridu

karaya

used

these

kind

of

expressions

to

_get

a

high

_price.

Saipila

and vivara4,a

ria(uma

were

organised

to

raise

funds

for

the

construction of audience

hall.

Participants

commented

that

if

enough

funds

were _not _raised

_this

_time

they

wouldn't contribute any more.

They

remembered a similar cvent

which

raised

funds

but

the

work

of

the

hail

was not started.

The

dancing

team

consisted

of

a

master

and

_young

dancers

from

Rojagama

dance

training

school.

At

the

end

the

items

collected

from

the

Rojagama

temple

com-munity

were sold

back

to

the

community

for

a

higher

_price

during

this

event.

The

items

were exchanged

for

money

through

the

saipila

technique

backed

by

vivararpa

fiaguma.

The

religious

justification

was

that

those

who

buy

auctioned

items

accrue

merit

(pin)

.

Other

ceremonies

conducted

at

the

temple

include

higher

ordination

ccremonies, ceremony

for

_the

_offering of

higher

appointments

in

thc

religious

hierarchy

(akta

_patra

_pdy'a"va),

_opcning

_a

building,

_shrine

room, electric supply,

library

which are marked

by

Buddha

_piijaL

and

(12)

12

A"- TJ,ii':TL

if'kfttt}':

leaders.

Rojagama

temple

community offers an annual

danaya

at

the

temple

of

the

tooth

relic and an old-age-house

in

Kandy.

Household

Rituals

Household

religious

practices

are

meditation,

Buddha

_pdya-

(offering

of

food

and

drinks

to

the

Buddha)

_, offering

flowers

and

lights

(mal

_pahan

ptll'ar),

chanting of

_pirit

(Buddhist

satras) and offering alms

to

invited

monks.

The

latter

two

are

commonly

known

as

_{piritai-ddinayai.}

Most

househoids

have

framed

pictures

of

the

Buddha

or a miniature

budu

_ge

(shrine

room)

,

The

latter

is

a

decorated

wooden

or

hardboard

box

with a

_picture

or a small statue of

the

Buddha

fixed

to

a wall.

In

well-to-do

households,

a shrine room

is

built

with cement,

bricks

and

tiles

adjacent

to

house.

Inside

shrine room

there

are

statues

of

the

Buddha

and

his

disciples.

Picturcs

or

statues

of

local

_gods

such as

Srr

Vis.

_rpu,

Kataragama

or

Alutnuvara

are

also accommodated.

Houschold

members offer

food

and

drinks

(Buddha

_pdy'a-),

fresh

fl()wers,

incense

and oil

lamps

before

the

Buddha

statue

in

the

mom-ings

and

evenings.

In

some

households,

the

shrine

is

continually

lit

with

automatic

colour

bulbs.

After

offerings,

Buddhist

_gditha

(verses)

arc

chanted

in

Pali

andlor

Sinhala,

and accumulated merits are

transferred

to

the

_gods

and

the

deceased

members of

the

family.

In

Buddhist

households

trees

_grown

in

the

_garden

_provide

fiowers

for

morning and

evening

offerings.

When

they

run

out

of

supply,

householders

_go

to

the

neighbours.

Usually

elder members

_practice

these

offerings more

than

others.

A

short vcrsion of

household

_pirita

called

tun

varu

_pirita

(three

time

pirita)

is

chanted

in

the

mornings and

the

evenings

to

bring

blessings

of

the

triple

_gem

(the

Buddha,

the

dhamma,

the

sangha)

by

3,

5

or

7

monks

depending

on availability.

If

the

household

members are

subjected

to

continuous

illnesses

or

if

one

is

about

to

_go

overseas

for

(13)

ShariasGrief

ang

Suffering[

Temple

Culturc

and tlic

Buddhist

Community

13 pirit

nala

(protective

thread)

is

tied

to

the

wrist of

_{participants.}

The

monks

are

treated

with

tea,

drinks,

betel

Ieaves

and a

_pirikara

(an

item

such as soap,

towel,

milk

_powder

tin,

tea

and

sugar).

The

menks

are

escortcd

back

and

forth

from

the

temple

in

a

small

_procession

carrying

religious

insignia

and

drummers.

A

longer

version of

_pirita

followed

by

danaya

take

_place

in

the

household

of

a

deceased

on completion of

the

7th

day,

3 months

or

12

months

from

the

date

of

death.

Monks

arc

invited

to

chant overnight

pirit

in

a

colourfully

decorated

temporary

_pirit

mage4crpaya

(chanting

canopy)

.

day

thay

are

invited

to

the

household

for

noon

ddinaya.

On

both

occasions,

the

monks explain

_parts

of

Buddhist

scriptLires

relevant

to

death,

_grief

_and _suffering,

impermanence,

_re-birth,

karma,

merit and merit

transfer.

At

the

end

of

_pirita

and

danaya

the

monks

and

lay

members

transfer

the

merits

to

_gods

and

the

deceased.

The

idea

is

that

if

the

deceased

_persons

are

in

unhealthy

_piaces,

the

merits

help

them

to

overcome

their

current

_predicament,

lead

happy

lives

and

achieve

nirvaTna.

On

the

third

day

after

the

death

of a

_person

householders

offer alms

(ddnaya)

to

the

monks

at

the

temple.

No

household

orgamses

a

_ptrtta

and

danaya

on

the

third

day

because

of

the

closeness

of

two

events

to

each other.

The

lavishness

of

a

_pirita

and

danaya

(ie.

the

variety

of

food

served,

the

number

of

monks

invited)

depend

on

the

economic

status,

manpower

and

other

resources available

to

a

family.

Well-to-do

families

organise

_pirita

and

danaya

on

the

seventh

day

whereas others

postpone

it

for

three

or

tweleve

months.

If

a

family

decides

to

_hold

three

months'

ddnaya,

the

seventh

day

danaya

is

offered

in

a

simple

manner at

the

temple

or at

the

household.

Three

month

danaya

is

the

critical one

in

terms

of

the

cultural

expectations of

Sri

Lankan

society.

Some

households

even

_go

to

debt

to

organise

it.

In

some

situations,

families

skip

_pirita

and organise

danaya

only.

(14)

14

fX-

･.V"//rl'fl,.ij.

;i..'

k.;'k`l-i.{.

means

of

a

_given

household,

but

a need exists

for

a

_pirita,

a

lay

version

is

followed.

Chanting

_piri.t

involves

versatility

in

the

verbal use of

Pali

language.

There

are

men

who

have

this

skill

and

offer

services

without

a

fee.

They

are engaged

by

the

householders.

Pirita

and

danaya

are

a}so

organised

by

households

_purely

to

bring

blessings

from

the

triple

_gem.

On

these

occasions also

it

is

customary

to

transfer

merits

to

the

deceased,

gods

and

deities,

A

pirita

and

danaya

are

essentially

community events.

Usually

people

can

take

_part

with or without

invitation.

As

a result of

these

events sensc of community spirit

is

enhanced.

However,

along with

the

individualising

trends

in

society

these

events

have

assumed a very

peTsonal

or

individualised

character

in

some communities.

In

these

cases close

fami]y

members

and

friends

attend

the

ceremony

by

invitation.

Neither

the

broader

community

is

invited

nor

facilities

for

treating

a

large

number of visitors aTe organised.

Some

families

choose

to

follow

this

method

for

_practical,

cultural and economic reasons.

By

and

iargc

pirita

and

ddnaya

in

Horfdagama

displayed

an

individualised

character

while

those

held

in

Rojagama

showed

a

community

character.

In

Rojagama

both

events were organised using

the

_principle

of

`exchange'.

_This

meant

that

if

household

x contributes

to

a

_pirita

and

danaya

in

household

_y,

the

household

_y

has

to

contribute

to

a

_pirita

and

danaya

heid

in

household

x,

However,

the

events

heid

at

the

temple

did

not

have

such

exchange

except

in

the

sense

of

exchanging

material

_gifts

for

non-material

merits

(pin)

.

(4;

A

family

member with

bete]

leaves

in

hand

visits

homes

to

inform

others about

the

date

of

danaya

and

_pirita

and enlist support.

The

visiting

_person

carries

a

list

of

necessary

items.

Helshe

invites

others

to

contribute

to

a

_{predetermined}

item

from

the

list

and

_gives

choices.

These

items

consist of

da"na

vastu or

_ptij'a-

_pirikara

vastu

(items

to

be

offered

to

the

monks).

The

former

refers

to

food

whereas

the

latter

(15)

.Sharin.g7,

mG"rist}lf-.aunnd.SuffcringL.

:Ilg-rrLil.]lc

Cul!ttul{.a.nd

thc Buddhisl Community

15 and

soap.

In

Ra.ia.a.

ama, rich and

_poor

householdcrs

use

household

visits

to

enlist

the

support

of

their

community.

This

may

bc

due

te

thear

b

¢

longing

to

a

low-caste

with a

high

degrec

of caste eonsciousness.

Monks

are

also

invited

to

chant

_pirit

when a

_person

is

in

the

death

bed.

This

is

open

to

close

friends

and relatives only.

The

duration

of

chanting

is

short and

the

event

involves

one

to

three

monks.

Other

occasions when monks visit a

household

and

do

_pirit

chanting

are:

-when

a woman

is

expecting

a child.

The

namc ofpirita chanted

is

Angulimala

pirita,

-when

a married

couple

come

hoine

after

the

honeymoon.

They

stop

at

the

temple

to

receive

blessings

frorn

the

monks,

In

Kandyan

areas

this

appeared

as a relatively new

development.

Monks

have

no role

to

_play

at

the

time

of a

_girl's

attainment ceremony.

This

may

bc

because

of

the

notion

of

impurity

associated with

this

event,

Funeral

Rites

(Avamangala

Caritra)

By

far

the

most

important

link

between

a

household

and

a

temple

is

based

on

the

necessity

to

_perform

last

rites

to

a

deceased

_person

by

the

monks according

to

Buddhist

customs.

In

modern

society

individuals

often

fail

to

fulfil

the

needs of

their

_parents

and elder

siblings

whiie

they

are alive

because

of work and

family

constraints,

distance

between

parental

and nuclear

famiiies,

lack

of sufficient

income,

etc.

Thus

when

close

family

members

_pass

away,

the

remaining

individuals

concerned

develop

a

_guilt

feeling.

Buddhist

ritcs associated

with

the

transfer

of

merit

to

deceased

relatives

_provide

an avenue

for

_getting

relief

from

suffering and

_grief

created

by

the

_guilt

and unfulfilled obligations.

There

are

funeral

rites

to

be

_performed

on

the

day

of a

burial

or

crcmation.

Once

a

_person

is

dead,

usually

the

body

is

_given

to

an

(16)

16

fS･- iJf'"･-dLLfiS{fti;:

Kandy

and

Galle

somc middle class

families,

especially

Christians,

keep

the

body

with an undertaker until

the

church service,

the

burial

or

cremation.

IR

Buddhist

households

it

is

customary

to

bring

the

body

home

and

_grieve

at

least

for

three

days.

During

this

_period

kinsmen,

friends

and

neighbours visit

the

househo]d

and

_pay

last

respects, consol

the

householders,

assist

in

organising

the

funeral

and receipt of

_guests,

serving

drinks.

In

Varahapola,

there

are established

funeral

aid societies

for

this

_purpose.

The

tempie

community

feeds

the

family

of

the

deceased

during

the

three

days.

In

Rojagama

this

custom was referred

to

as

batpelti

gena

yama

(carrying

rice

boxes)

.

rl'he

Funeral

Aid

_Societies

are run with contributions made

by

the

members.

Members

assist

the

f4mily

of

the

deceased

by

doing

labour

intcnsive

work

(eg.

digging

the

grave

pit

and

decorating

the

funeral

site)

,

providing

a

financial

grant

and

the

supply of a

loudspeaker,

tent,

and

chairs

for

the

funeral.

Usually

the

funeral

is

held

on

the

third

day

in

the

afternoon.

At

this

time

the

temple

monks are

involved.

When

the

funeral

is

fixccU,

the

household

head

invites

hislher

respcctive

temple's

chief

monk

to

conduct

last

rites

for

the

dead

person

at

the

funcral.

The

chief monk organises

the

required number of monks

according

to

the

wishes of

the

householders.

He

may

have

to

contact

other

temples

to

obtain

_additional

monks

to

meet

thc

target.

Before

the

actual

funeral

takes

_p]ace

the

monk may enquire about

the

organisation

of

the

funcral

and

console

the

householders.

On

the

day

of

the

funeral,

the

body

is

taken

in

_procession

to

the

burial

_ground.

At

the

head

of

the

_procession

walk several

_people

carrying

Sinhala-Buddhist

insignia

(kodi,

sesat,

murdyudha)

followed

by

the

bedy,

members of

the

family,

members of

the

community and

visitors.

The

rnonks walk

to

the

burial

_ground

directly

and

keep

_seated

until

the

body

arrives.

It

is

either carried on shoulders of men who are

relatives,

friends

and neighbours or

in

a

hearse

depending

on

the

circumstances.

Participants

come

dressed

in

white.

In

certain situations,

(17)

.Shgtt

pmugm-g-rie!

and

Suffering:

Telpp.1.e..Culturc

and the

Buddhist

Community

17

such

as

_pouring

rain,

the

last

rites arc

held

in

the

household

itself.

When

the

body

is

to

be

cremated

in

the

town

crematorium

last

rites are

usually

held

in

the

household.

A

tay

master

of

ccremony

directs

the

activities

following

an agenda

set

in

consuitation wjth

the

monks,

speakers and

the

bcreaved

family

members.

The

_proceedings

follew

a sequencc

determined

by

Sinhala

Buddhist

custom.

The

sequence

is

as

follows:

-Master

of

ccremony receives

_permission

to

begin

the

proceedings.

Reception

of

the

_participants

(pili

_gdinima)

on

behalf

of

the

family

of

the

deceased,

-Invitation

to

the

temple's

chief monk

to

conduct

last

rites

(agamika

vatavat

_pdivatvima)

.

-Administration

of

three

refuges

and

five

_precepts

to

the

_gathered

crowd.

Lay

_participants

are

to

be

seated

for

this

_purpose.

-Offering

a white cloth

by

household

members

to

the

monks

in

the

name of

the

deceased

(mataka

vastra

_pojaTva).

Collectively

the

householders

pour

water

from

a

kettle

to

a ceremic

_pot

until

it

overflows.

Monks

chant

verses while

the

water

is

_poured.

Meanings

of

the

verses

arc

explained

in

Sinhala

before

the

act

begins.

The

purpose

of mataka vastra

_pdy'aMva

is

te

transfer

the

merits

_gained

by

offering a whitc

cloth

to

the

monks and wish

that

the

deceased

attain

niryd4a

by

_getting

relief

from

samsdrhS).

At

a

funeral

I

attended

in

Rojagama,

the

monk

explained

that

the

_purpose

of

the

transfer

of

merit

is

to

make

the

of

the

deceased

lucky

inara

tova

vdsanavanta

kara

gant-ma)

_,

to

achieve

nirvdi4a

with no

further

birth

9dti),

old

age

9ara-),

illness

(vyadhi).

and

death

(maragea)

, and

to

be

free

from

all

sufferings created

by

sai?zsara.

The

merits

_were

_transferred

_to

deceased

_members _of

_thc

household.

-Speeches

by

the

monks

(pdvidi

anusasana),

These

are