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パーリ学仏教文化学 (創刊号) - 004森 [ソ]道「SIHALAVATTHUPPAKARANA and PALI ATTHAKATHA LITERATURE」

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(1)

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StwALAVAr.ptTRVP-giPAKARANA

-

and

- - tl>

PALff

.ATTXAKAWeeA

utTERATIJRE

-"

Sada

MeRl

Centents

1. Int・rGd !.'.・ttion

2. Comparison xiil+.h Pali L"ommentaries

.3. Comparison "Ji・th }'aliChronicles

4・. Unlr.nown Proper Names

s. Cencluding Remarks

'1. IRtreductiom

(2)

The Siha.lavatthz・ePPafearanais a Buddhi.st narrative literature

which contains plenty of historicalaccounts concerning ancient

'Sr:,

Lanka and also Inclia.In a broad sense, it is a sort of the

Pali Atthakatha literature,and is classified as one of the so-calied

VarpsakathE tex.ts,the others being the DasavattinfPPakarana,

Sahassavatth"PPaha'xasca,Rasava"hini, eL'c. This text was

finally

・composed in Sri Lanka, alL.・hough it contains not only stories of

this country

(the

majority), but also those of India.

Since 1972, I have publlshed several articies regarding thls work

'including

a revlew and partial translationswith notes all in

(3)

.anese. Based upon these wr;'tings, I recently completed the first

English article on this text, entitled ``A Study of the

(2)

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48 ii-V\tAXJSCIic[i!

Pakaraua",

which has already been contributed to le Bttlletind'

EtztdesindiennesNo.5

(Paris

1988). In this article I mainly

dis-cussed some chronological aspects of the text on the basis of a

detailedinvestigationof all the proper names appearing in it

and specifically the names of persons and places. In addition, I

compared the above chronological aspects with those of the Sihala

Sources

(i.

e. the Sihalatthakatha literature)for the Pali

(4>

taries. The latterwas firstdiscussed as a whole in a part of

(5)

my work published in 1984. This comparison led rne to establish

the following chronologically common or similar features between

the Siha.lavatthztand the AXhakatha texts in general.

(1)

The upper date limits are identical:the upper date limit of

the former isKing Asoka's reign in India

(268-232

B.C.);whereas

that of the latteris King Devanampiyatissa's reign in Sri Lanka

(6)

(250-210).Nevertheless

these two kings are of course contempora-neous.

(2)

The lower

date

limits also match up: they correspond with

thc reign of King Mahasena(276-303 A.D.).

(3)

Some intermediate aspect$ between the two date limitsabove

also show certain similarities:

(a)

The respective periods to which the largestnumber of persons

belonged are the 50-60 years eentred upon the successive reigns

of DuVthagamarpi

(161-137

B.C.) and Saddhatissa

(137-119

B.C.).

(b)

The respective periods in which the second largest number

of persons is concentrated also correspond: these are the duration

of the two reigns of Vattagamapi

(103-102;89-77

B.C.) including

the intervening period of the fiveDravidianrulers, "Then

(3)

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..SIH2LAVAT(I]i.IUFPAKARA]>l:X anaf PALI, A.TTHAKATI{iX 4'9

(4)

The abeve chronolegical aspects of the Sihalavattlueare an

indication of those of the original seurce materials of this text

as in the case of the AtthakathE text.s;in particular its lower

date limit,i,e.the reign of King Mahasena suggests not the

date of composition of the present Pali texts,but that of the

iinaldevelopment of its written er oral sources probably ln Old

(7)・

Sinlialese,etc.

As was already stated, however, at the end otF my article

prevlous-ly referred to, the above comparison 3s made possible on the

premise that these two kinds of text originated, in part at least,

from common sources, and have ccrtain similar or parallelpassages

and contexts. Therefere it is absolutely necessary as a further

step in such studies, to scek out such textual relations existing

betvL7een these two. The present article will take up initiallythis

questien

from

the point of view explained above. In addition

another comparison studied from the same point of view should

t'hen be carried out between the Srtlza.lavattlz"and Pali Chronicles

such as the DiPavarpzsaand A{idfzavai?zsa.k goes without saying

that these chronicles both written in Pali verse record royal

tradition and Buddhist hi・storyin ancient

(and

mediaeval) Sri Lanka,

hased upon the common older source usually named the

'

Sihalatthakatha-Mahavamsa"

(or

`"Slhala-Mahavarpsatthakatha")

that was formerly preserved at the Mahavihara ln Anuradhapura,

the ancient capital of Sri Lanka. Hewever these chronicles are

also a kind of Pali Atthakatha literature in a wider sense, and

display certain slmilarities with the Pali comrnentaries as well

as the Siha.lavatthit.For example, the PiPavam.sa and the earliest

(4)

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so /S.=y#th faJkIk\

recent part called the

CtiIavanisa)

both end with the record of

the reign ef King Mahasena, which really corresponds with the

lower date limitsof the sources of the Siha.lavatthf・tand those

of the Pali commentaries as already mentioned, The accordance・

of these date limitsof the sources for all these texts suggests・

certain common elements of the whole AtthakathA literaturewhich

here refers to the Siha.lavatthu,Pali commentarial texts, Pall

chronicles and others. Even in order to adduce the evidence to・

prove that the above relationship is not the result of a strange・

coincidence, the followingcomparlsons would

be

necessary.

2.

Comarisen with

Pili

ComameRtaries

When we draw a comparison between the Siha;avatthuand Palf.

commentaries, we are able to discover some instances vsrhich

show certain similarities regarding the content of a corresponding'

story in each text. Such contents seem to have originated from

identicalsources.

For

instance,Story No.66,Cittaguttatthera-vatthu

in the Sihalavatthu and an inserted story about the same elder'

(8) C9)

in the Silaniddesa,the first chapter of the l・7sttddhimagga are・

very similar to each other. These stories equally describe hirn as・

an eminent elder who strictly

fulfilled

the restraint 'of the faculties

(indriyasaz?ivarasila)

to attain the Arahantship finally.The entire

passages of each story run as follows:

Sihalavatthze

.

(10)

There was an elder called Cittagutta,resident in the Great Cave

(11)

at KoraBda. At the door

(of

the Cave], there was an

iron-weod

tree. The elder had never really craned his neck to Iook up at

(5)

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51

the tree. In the meantime, it shed its leaves; stamen of flovirers

(kinjafehhi)

descended;

fruits

of flowers fellto the ground; pollen

from starnen were scattered. He observed these events

(from

looking at the ground each time) and realized that it must at

2Lhat

time be such and such a season

judging

from

(the

present

state)/ beneath

(the

tree).

In the cave near the great iron-wood tree, there was

(a

painting

of) the Renunciation of the Seven Buddhas. The elder had

never looked at this either, and had Iived with the nature of an

ordinary person

(PuthutianasabhaHva)

for thirty years. Having lived

ln such a way, he reached the Arahant-ship.

A King named Mahasena requested the elder, "Please take meals

in the palace''.For six years the elder took meals in the palace.

In his last moments, he said to Bhikkhus, ''One

who has

questionsabout the

(Buddhist)

Ways, Fruitsand Means of Reaching

the Goal, question rne!" Then Bhikkhus asked

(saying),

"We

ask

you. venerable sir, whether or not, taking meals in the palace

for so long and seeing the king and queen

(so

often), you noticed

the king

[and

queen)". The elder replied, "No,

I did not notice

elther of them; I

judged

them only frorn their voices", The king

and queen paid homage to the elder, and

(asked),

"What

does

the elder preach

(to

us)?" "I tellyou, Great King, endure, endure

[without

your senses)", such was the reply of the elder. He was

in this fashion the one who had the doors of the senses guarded.

SIHAgAVATTHUPPAKARAI)IA and PALI ATTHAKATHA

lt

Visudhimagga

'

Moreover a Bhikkhu who ispractising the restraint of the facultles

(6)

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52 pt-V\{1,X]SC{tee

at Kurarpdaka, and like the elder Maha-Mitta, resident at the

Great Monastery of Coraka.

It is told as follows:In the Great Cave of Kurarpdaka, there was

a ]ovely painting of the Renunciation of the Seven Buddhas. A

number of Bhikkhus wandering among the dwellings saw the

painting and said, "What a lovelypainting, venerable sirl!'' The

elder said, "For more than sixty years, friends,I have livedin the

cave, and I did not know whether there was any paintlng there or

not. Now, today, I know itthrough those who have eyes." The elder,

itseems, though he had lived there for so long, had never raised

his eyes and looked up at the cave. And at the door of his

cave there was a great iron-wood tree.And the elder had never

looked up at that either. He knew it was in

flower

when he

saw flower stamens

(feesara)

on the ground each year. The king

heard of the elder's great virtues, and he sent for him three

times, desiring to pay homage to

him.

When the elder did not

go, he had the breasts of all the women with infants in the

(12)

town

(i.e.Mahagama)

bound and sealed off,

(saying)

"As long as

the elder does not come let the children go wlthout milk." Out

of compassion for the children the elder went to Mahagarna.

When the king heard

[that

ha

had

come, he said) "Go and

bring the elder in. I shall take the Precepts." Having had him

brought

up into the inner palace, he paid homage to him and

provided him with a meal. Then, saying ``Today,

venerab!e sir,

there is no opportunity. I shall take the Precepts tomorrow,"

he took the elder's bowl. After following him for a short while,

he paid honage with the queen and turned back. Whether

it

was

(7)

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SrHALAVATTHUP'PAK'ARANA and PA,LI

- - ATTHAKATHA

--elder said, ``May the king be happy.'' As seven

in this way, Bhikkhus asked Why is2t,venerable

it is the king who pays homage or the queen

the king be happy'?''.The elder replied, "Frlends,

whether it is the king er the queen." At the

days

[when

it was discovered that] the elder

living there, he was disrnissedby the king.

the Great Cave at Kurandaka. When it was

t'

for his walk. A deity who dwelt in the iron-wood

with a torch made of sticks. Then his object of

quite clear and plain. The elder,

(thinking)

`'How

of meditation is today!", was glad, and immediately

middle watch he reached the Arahant-ship, making

rnoutain resound.

As shown above, the contents of these two

identified:that of the )lisuddhimagga ismore detailed.

these stories clear]y agree with each other with

and substance. Itgoes without saying that the

composed by Buddhaghosa mainly on the basis

Slhala sources or Slhalatthakatha such as the Mahatthakatha

t

.

had been preserved at the Mahavihara in Anuradhapura,

also on the basisof the Vimztttimagga,etc. of the

the headquarters of a rival fraternitywithin Theravada

inancient SriLanka. The above story in the VVsuddhimagga

be found in the Chinese version of the Vimuttima.aga

Abhayagiri fraternity.Accordjngly this must have

in the Slha!a sources. Incidentally,with regard

dates of the respective stories, the story of the

53

days went by

sir, that whether you say, `May

I do not notlce

end of seven

was not happy

He went back to

night he went out

tree stood by

meditation became

clear my object

after the

the whole

are not entirely

Nevertheless regard to synopsis Plisttddhima.ffgawas of the so-callad which -t and Abhayagirivihara, Buddhism cannot (13) of the been included to locationsand Sihalavatthztcan

(8)

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54 .i-V\Ulta-k{}e

be regarded as dating from the reign of King Mahasena, because

of his occurence in it,

but

its location

is

unknown. However in

spite of the date of the story in the Visttddhimagga being unclear

as the king appearing in this story is left anonymous, itslocation

was Mahagama, the local capital of the southern area of Sri

Lanka in those days. However there are no records of King

(14)

Mahasena ever havlng Iived in this place. Therefore it would

not be reasonabie to conclude, simply by combing the above two

facts,that the original story for both stories was the one in

Malagama area in the period of King Mahasena,

Moreover we are also able to findsome instanceswhich

demon-strate a corresponding story of the Siha.lavatthttis more detailed

than a corresponding story of the Palicommentaries quite contrary

to the above instance,The following is a brief outline of Story

No. si,Mahanaga-calanagatthera vatthu

in

the sihalavattA}5t)which

- t

offers a good example in this respest:

The elder Mahanaga and the elder CUIanaga, two brothers coming

from Yonakagiri in Sri Lanka had not once seen their parents

in the six years since their ordination. After attaining the

Arahant-ship, they hoped to have a look at their parents. They returned

to theirnative place; went to the parents' house asking for alms;

and cast a glance at their mother in secret. Suspecting them to

be her sons, the mother questioned them to this effect,

but

the

sons, dodging the question, went away. The mother endered the

Order herself;sought out her sons; and at last was able to

meet them. However the sons obliged her return home. At a later

time when her house becarne derelict,they obtained timber and

had the house rebuilt. Nevertheless they never met her again

(9)

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55

throughout their whole lives.

A similar story to the above can

be

found

in

the Sa-ratthaPPa-・

(16)

ka-sinZ,the commentary on the Samyutta-nikEya. Its content is,

however, more concise. For example there is no mention rnade・

in the stery in question ef the mother entering the Order or'

later passages. In addition, a careful comparison makes it clear

that, although the brothers' names, Mahanaga and Cal.anaga are

identical,the followingvarious points are subtly different:

Their birth place is not Yonakagiri but Vadhatala-nagara-gama;

their place of residence, unrecorded inthe Sihagavatthu,ismentioned

as Cittala-pabbata;and the duration when they did not meet

their mother is not six years, but thirtyyears. The rough outllne

and gist of the `two

stories essencially agree however. Consequently

this example also proves that the Siha.lavatthuand the Pali

commen-tarialliteraturehave at least part of their seurce material in

coramen.

3.

CompariseR with P51i Chronicles

Next, I shall look into the relations between the Sihagavatthu

and Pali chronicles. As in the case regarding the Sihagavatth・M

and Pal! commentaries already discussed,some corresponding stories

which seem to have

derived

from

certain common sources can

be identified.To take a single example, Story No.42,

(17)

rafifio Vatthu in the Sihagavatthu is a descr!ptionof his deathbed

scene, and another description of the same event of the same

king

exists in Chapter XXXII, the Entrance into the

(18)

en

(Tztsitapuragamana)

in

the Maha'van2sa.

Their respective epening passages in verse are as follows:

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SIHALAVATTHUPPAKARANA and

(10)

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56 7e-Vi"3eftMX;(Iic\

Sihalavatthuc

(19)

1 In Anuradhapura, lived King Abhaya Dutthagamarpi

for

four years and he ruled over his kingdom.

2 He who was reigning fellseriously ill,and ordered his retainers as follows:

3 '`Take me to the Mahavihara

(Great

Monastery) and lay me

down at a place inside from where the P2sada

(Lofty

Hall)

can be seen to the Ieft. and the Mahathttpa

(Great

Tope)

to the right."

4 From the front of the Maricavatti

(Monastery),

Dutthagamarpi

lying down there looked over at the best Thapa by turning

5

[his

body] to the rlght, and the brilliantPasada by turning

(it)

to the left.Then sitting up on the couch,

he

looked

over

at the Maricavattivihara, the

holy

abode

in

front.

(2e)

6 At this moment, the eider Abhaya Theraputta, resident at the

Anuradhavihara

in

Roharpa, watched

[this

scene) with the

7 divine-eye;went underground; stood ae the king'sbedside;and

sat down there....

Maha'vamsa

(21)

1 Before the completion of the chatta and the plaster-work on

the

(Great)

Cetiya,the king fellillwith an illnessthat was

2 fated to be terminal.He sent for his younger brother

Tissa from Dighavapi and said to him: "Complete

the work

3 of the Thttpa that is not yet finished. "Because

of his

brother's weakness, he had a covering rnade by sewing

4 workers of white cloths and with such the cetiya was

covered, and then he ordered painters to paint a convinclng

(11)

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sM{ILAVATTHUP?AKt'tRA}I.'. and PAPI A';[PEAKATHA s7 (22)

railing on it and also rows of filled vases and a row with

5 the five-fingersornament, And he had a chatta rnade of

bamboo-reeds by plaiters of reeds and on the upper railing, a

6 sun and moon of kharapatta-wood. And when he had had this

(23)

(thupa)

painted cunningly with lacquer and haitktdi.tlhaka,he

dcclared to the king: that which remained in order to

7 complete the thUpa is now completed. Lying on a palanquin,

the king went there, and when lying on his palaquin he

8 passed round the cetiya going towards the left, he paid

homage to it at the south entrance, and as

he

then, lying

on his right side on his couch spread upon the ground,

9 beheld the best Maha Thapa

(Great

Tope), and lying on

his left side the best Lohapasada, he became glad at heart,

10 surrounded by the brotherhood of Bhikkhus. In order to

inquire after the ill

Cking),

they had come from far and

wide, and the Bhikkhus in that assembly amounted to nine

11 hundred and sixty million

(96

ko.tis).

The Bhikkhus, group

by group, reclted in chorus. When the king did not see the

12 elder Theraputta Abhaya among them

he

thought: "The

great warrlor, who

fought

victoriously through twenty-eight batt'les

13 with rne and never yielded his ground, the eider Theraputta

Abhaya appears not to come to help me, now that the

death-14 struggle is begun, for he foresees my defeat.''When the

elder. who dwelt bv the source of the River Karinda on Mt.

15 Pafijali,knew his thought, he ¢ame iKrith a company of five

hundred

(Bhlkkhus]

who had overcorne earthly desires,passing

through the air

by

his miraculous power, and he stood

among those who surrounded the king.

(12)

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58 7S-Pe}lMenIS(ticep

As has been obvious from the above quotations ,the description

Df the Afdha-vany2sa is more detailed, yet the substance ef each

story is very similar. Following the above passages, the stories

2n

both

texts equally give further statements that enumerate the

king's good deeds and offerings to the Order, which were talked

about between the king himself and the elder Theraputta Abhaya

(or

Abhaya Theraputta). The entire contents of their conversation

(24)

are also more detailedin the story of the Maha'vampsa, and `chese

two stories are not necessarily identifiable.However, the following

.five points at least concerning theiroutlines and substances

corr,e-・spond with each

other:

<1)

The above identicalelder preached the king not to feardeath.

・(2) The king's efforts in the construction

of the Mahathitpa,

Lohapasada and Maricavattivihara as part of his good deeds were

emphasized and praised.

<3)

Among many monks to whom the king gave offerings, the

(25) (26)

elders Maleyyadeva, Dhammagutta(ka), Dhammadinna, Vyaggha

and an anonymous elder dwelling in Piyahgudipa were referred

(27)

to in particularas his main donees.

/<4) The duration of the king's reign was twenty-four

years.

<5)

Immediately after the king'sdeath, a vehicle came down from

the heavenly world to accept him and the dead king was reborn

(28)

above in the Tusita-Heaven.

(29)

Conversely, the corresponding part of the DiPavamsa is very

concise, and as far as this story is concerned, less agreernent

can be seen between this chronicle and the

Sihalavatthu

and

`

vamsa. In factthe following are the only two

identifiable

points:

(13)

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SIHALAVATTHUPPAKARx:Lny(A ancl PALI A.TTHAKATHA 59

years.

<2)

He constructed the(Loha)Pasada and Mahathapa

(but

±v,he Ma-di

ricavattivihara lsnot included here).

To return +.e' the comparison oi,'the Sihalavatthawith th.A.

Maha--varpzsa, the instance described ahove isthat in xvhich a

correspond-ing

story of the Sihalavatthi4isshorter than that of the iTL4aha-vamsa.

Conversely

certain cases can be found in which an event briefly

referred te in the JTtz1tzha-vamsa is recorded in more detailln the

Siha.lavatthtt.

For example, in the beginning of Chapter, XXXIII,

Dasarajika

(the

Ten Kings) in the tTLtltzhavanyisa, there is a story

in which Prince Sali, the only son of King DutthagSmarpl was

greatlyenamoured with a very beautifulgirlnamed Asokamaladevi

frorn the Carpdala class

(:an

outcaste), and abdicating his clairn

to the throne, he lived in everlasting love with her. This part

of the iTLItzha-vanzsa, however, isso concise that in way of explanation

for his rather unusual love to her,itmerely states: "by a

C30) tion in a

former

birth"

and nothing more.

In contrast, a very detailedparallel story concerning their former

lives,etc. ismentioned in Story No.7, Salikumara Vatthu in the

(31)

Siha.lavatthbt.

The present story consists of the

following

three

.maln

parts:

<1>

The respective s'tories regarding their previous births.

(2)

The circuTnstances by which Sali met Asokamaladevi by chance

for the firsttime at a city-gate of Anuradhapura;

fell

in

love

with her; got marrled; and then how his father,the king came

・to see the couple, and finallypermitted their marriage because

of her extreme beauty.

(14)

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6fC) ig L- V\{LXJsc{t#

practices by hlmself at five places, i. e. the western, northern,

eastern, and southern suburbs of Anuradhapura, and a place near

Cetiyagiriwhere he each time received plenty of splended offerings

from many people or deity-beingsof the respective areas.

The Mahavarpzsa along with the DiPavarpzsa are, needless to

say, a sort of authentic records of royal events. Accordingly it

would have been a matter of course for this work to record,

as an important historicalaccount, that a crown prince abandoned

the succession of the throne, owing to his unexpected love affair

wlth a Carpdala girl. This account might have been told either

in the SIhala-Mahavarpsatthakatha, the major source rnaterial for

the presnt Maha-vapasa or in oral transmission. In any case,

it wou!d have been unnecessary for the Maha-vampsa to describe

the detailsof their former relation and of their private lifeafter

marriage. Therefore such detailswere not referred to in this work

as it is an official record. On the contrary these details were

included in the Sihalavatthztwhich is not a formal chronicle

'

originally, but a Buddhist narrative, for the very reason that they

were suitable material for such narrative literature.

In additlon, the iTlfdha-va7?zsa simply explained

(maybe

for the

firsttime) the reason for the unexpected abandonrnent of the

throne by the crown prince as being the couple's "combination

in a former birth."This reason might have been besed upon

the written or oral source for the i14dha-va7?zsa, or upon the author's

imaglnation. In any case, concerning this reason given in the

(32)

iWlrzlza-va7?zsa, itscommentary, the TidrpzsatthaPPafea'sinifurther gives

a very detaileddescriptionincluding the couple's respective stories

(15)

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SIHiNL4T.Y'iXr?CT.}iU?-P.4t.KARA>iA.and PALI ATTHALKATHiX 61

Sambaddhaiji Pubbal'utiya-ti anantarattabhave yeva

sannitthapema-vasena sambaddham.

"A combination in a

former

birth"means a combination which

resulted from a lovecaused by livingtogether as a couple during

the existence immedlately

before

thislife.

Itisinterestingto note that the above stories in the commentary

are not a description composed by the author himself, but a

quotation from the Sahassavatthu-a#hakatha-

(i,e.

SahassavatthtfPpa-karaua) that

is,

as stated earlier, the same kind of Buddhist

(33)

narrative as the Sihagavatth"PPaharana.In this part of MhvT, the

name of the sahassavatthu-atthakatha"isclearly referred t(o3i)although

the present two editions of thistextedlted by Rev.A.P.Buddhadatta

and by Dr.

J.

Filliozat

(Ver

Eecke)

both

lack the full passages

of the stories, the title of which is only listedin the Contents

of the work as "Story No.47 Salirajakumara Vatthu" in

(35)

Buddhadatta's edition and "Story

No.52 Sali-kumara" in Filliozat's

(36)

edition. On the particular pages dealing with thls story the

(37)

following note only ls written in each edition:

SalirEjakumara Vatthu Mahavamse vuttanayeva veditabbam.

The Prince Sali Story should

be

krown through that whlch is

told in the .44ahaHvamsa.

Comparlng the corresponding story of Saliwith Asokamaladevi

found

in

the

Siha.lavatthu

and the one in the

Sahassavatthza

,

we are able to identifya certain similarity between the two with

respect to their outlines. Yet as far as the story abollt their

previous births is concerned, the following point

illustrates

the

most

important

difference:The story

in

the Siha.lavatthugives

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62 .iSL.-...Y \.ts-fa]Z[Iti

between the couple: Saliwas a good smith as well as a generous

Buddhist donor, and Asokama12devl was a daughter of a Ca4dala

family after a few rebirths. They met in this world for the

first

time, not in their previous existence. While the other story

in the Sahassavatthu claims that Sali was a son of a smith

named Tissa living in a big village called Mundagafiga, and

Asoka-maladevi was the son's wife named Naga. They had already been

a wedded pair in their existence immediately before this

birth.

(38)

Incidentally the Rasava-hini,another Buddhist narratlve in the

same tradition iscloser to the Sahassavatthttthan to the Sihagavatthtt

as far as this story is concerned.

As the date of composition of the Siha.lavatthuis still very

vague, we are unable to decide definitelywhether the author of

the Mahava7pasagiha,Mahanama made use of this text or not,

although due to the factthatthe Maha"vai2tsa.t'zka-made no quotation

from the Sihalavatthu,he was perhaps ignorant of this work.

However this may not have been ehe case. It is at least obvious

'that in

so far as the Sali story is concerned, the author of the

i14dha-vamsatiha was unable to quote from the Siha.lavatthuin order

'to

comment upon the phrase "sambaddhaip pubbajatiya" in the

Mahavamsa, because the Siha.lavatthudid not connect Sali and

Asokamaladevi

in their previous births as explained before.

4.

Unkno'wn

Proper

Names

In the previous two sections, I discussed some common or

sirnilar featuresexisting between the Siha.lavatthzeand Pali

commen-.taries and

Pali

chronicles. I will proceed now to the next contrastive

(17)

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SIHALAVATTHUPPAKAR.AINLA. and PALI ATTHAKATRA 63

thcm through investigatingthe unknown proper names in tlie

Sihagava#hu. The unknown proper names here refer to th'o$e

which are not taken up as headwords in the Dictionary

of

i"'a-li.

ProPer .IVtzmes edited by G.P.Malalasekera. The reason vL7hy "L'hi$

・dictienary is referred to for the present research is as follows:

As is well-known, Malalasekera's Dictionary is exhausitive in so

far as Paliproper names found in the main Palitexts are conccrned,

although some statements about certain names are still inadequatc

and contain some mistakes. It should at least be given credit

'for

the fact that the headwords from the Palicanon, coimnentaries

and chronicles to which the Silza.lavatthuin questlon is related,

have all been taken up without omission. This

dictionary

lncludes

"Lhe List of Abbreviations by which all the Pali texts and other 'viTorks

that are referred to in the dictionary can be identified.

According to this list,al! the necessary Palicanon and

comrnen-'taries

and some important sub-commentarles and chronicles, etc.

(39)

havc been used in cornpilation of the dictionary.Therefore if we

identifyall the proper names in the Siha.lavatthztconsulting this

dictionary, then we are able to classify all of them as either

identified

names or unidentlfied names. The unidentified names

in the Siha.lavattlawcan be regarded as those which have been

made knewn to us for the firsttime through this texe, and which

are derived from certain particularsources. These sources should

be considered as not having been included in any other Pall

texts so far known. Such previously unknown names are fairly

frequent

in the Siha.l,avatthtt.The following is a classified lise of

them.

(The

figures given in brackets refer to the paginations of

BuddhadatVs edition.)

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64 -t-V ,}7 U・,vaS(fte3(!

(t)

Names of Persens

Eldersand Lady Elders-Kalakandaratissatthera(143),

Kundalatissa-tthera

(138f.),

Gamav2si-Dhammarakkhitatthera(l60),

Cittabha-tthera(61f.)Calatissatthera(80),Tuvatakanagatthera(139),

Dakavasi-nagatthera(llO), Danatthera(160) Nagarajatthera(160),

Manorama-mayaramaTpsatthera

(l7f.),

Mahaovada-dayakatthera

(165),

Mahadeva-tthera(128), Mittatthera(I02ff.), Lajjitthera(161),Vyagghatthera

(112f.

169), Saddhasumanatthera(164), Sopatthera(151,=So4adaraka

149,shown be!ow).

.Nbvi.ces-Calan2gasamarpera(83), Lajjisamarpera(151).

La>,-men-Asuka-gahapati(!67),Usabhamitta(162),Kanapiyaputtatissa

(82ff.)

Kambuddha-upasaka(97ff.), Karapa4padinna(99),

Kunta-kammara(107), Culla-up2saka(94),

Pakalorpatissa(6,=Haritalatissa,

10), Tissa-tunnavayu( 1f.),Mahakottideva

(-dahara,

150),

Mahacttla-upasaka

(I05f.),Mahadeva-upasaka

(36ff.)

,Mahadeva

(or

Deva)-upasaka

(91ff.),Tissa(123),Samafifia-daraka(61),Sorpa-daraka(149,:=Sorpatthera,

151, shown above), Haritala(ka)tissa(10=Pakalorpatissa, 6).

Lay-zvomen-Addhavattha-dayika(126), Canda-darika(].46),

Culli-upas-ika

(82f.,

91,97,99 106, 109), Matudevika-nagi(147), Sumana-darika

(sff.),

Surnana-dhlta(g4ff.),Sumana-balika(123f.),Hafikala-upasika

(89).

(2)

Names

of Monasteries, etc.

1va)nasteries-Anuradha-vihara

(111),

Upasinga-vihara

(6s),

Upas-abha-vihara

(63),

Kappatilla-vihAra(102), Kalakandara-vihara

(20f,

24£ , 14s) Kokanijaka4dagiri-vihara(71),Korpdapadi-vihara(s7),

Citta-go-vihara(60),Vatagarpdamalaya(-vihara ? ls5).

Topes-Andhakara-cetiya(149),Aloka-cetiya(149),Pabbata-cetlya(104), Patali-cetiya(149).

(19)

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.SIHA.L..AVATTHUPPAKARAtyA.aLnd PtlLI ATTHAKATHA. 6s

Residing Caves・--Kalakandara-lerpa(20).

<3)

Names of PIaces

Kingdoms-Mahali-ratttha(129).

Coztntries-Girivaya-jaRapada(99),Nissadana-janapada(36),Bodhipttli.i-janapada

(37,

50f.,52), Ramanlya-janapada(55), Sahuthala-desa(57),

Solasa-janapada(8].),Hafikala-janapada(89).

Cities-Asokapura(82),

Cikkhirprpanagara(70),Pa'talipuraCIOO, 102),

Maricavattipura(l18),Suvarpnana.ffara(77).

P'711ages---Ajitavihig2ma(9J.),kaAgugama(112), Ka4ikaragama(12),

ka-ppitalagama(102f.), Kamphuvagama(158), Kambojagama(10,14),

Ka-mmuva-gama(1 09),Karkalagama(10), K2kaddavigama(105),

Kurnbha-karagama(12), Calagama(83), CUIakalagama(83), Cesigama(101)

Tamma4agama(12), Tibbara

(?・

18), Pupmavethilugama(100),

Yatu-gama(99), Yonakagiri(-gama ? 167),Vattag2ma(36),

VamamanadcligS.-ma(55),Vissutagama(59),Satikakarpdaraj!(-gama ?161),Samagama(17),

SokadhUmikagama(97), Hafikalagama(89), Harit2Iagama(7, 10, 11).

forts--Alarabala-pattana

(57),

Karptakasola-pattana(35),

Mahako4da-tittha

(39,

42), Mahakorpda-pattana

(136).

Rivers-Kalakandara-nadl(l44), Porimasl-nadi(57f.)

2'ldoztntains-Accimantasela-pabbata(67f,), Kafigupabbata

(122),

Citta-bhapabbata

(62),

CU.lagiri

(16ilf.),

Ma'pitapabbata

(113'),

Mah2ni-dhipabbata

(63),

Roha4apabbata

(52),

Roharpapassa

(37),

Setapabbata

(85).

FoTests-Rattadhakara-vana

(l.61)

i,[4) ether

Names

Glzosts--Kasipe"La

(4・1,・17),

Ta4dulapeta

(・l.7fL),

Thambhapeta

(・12ff.),

Patakapeta

(52ff.),

PaF.agapct,,

(39,

・l.2), Balivaddapeta(55f.),

(20)

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66 iR-Ve}lttaXvak\r

Gods-Umapati

(epithet

of Siva, 77)

AII LLhe

above names of the Sihalavatt・hzt-which are not

fied by Malalasekera's dictionary,as previously mentioned, seem

to have originated from certain sources uncommon to those of'

the major P2Ii texts so far known. They amount to more than

one hundred and twenty. Besides them, we are able to see some・

other names of the same kind in a listof persons which

is.

divi(ledinto two part$ given at the very end ef Buddhadatta's

(40)

edition. The names in this listcan be classified in the following

four groups:

(1)

Names of persons which can be found not only lnthe

Sihagavatth"

itself,but also in other Pali texts: Mbleyyadevatthera

(109ff.),

Dutthagarnapt Maharaja

(11f.,

27, 29, 111, 164), Bhapdagarikatissa

(l15,

118), Tambasumanatthera

(24,119),

Kakavampatissa Maharaja

(128ff.),

Salikumara

(27,

32, 130). ,

(2)

Names of persons which are made known to us for the

first

time

in

stories themselves of the Sihalavaithu:Mahadeva

(-upasaka

36ff.,91ff.or -thera 128), Sumana-darika

(twice,

5ff.).

Kambuddha(-upasaka

?

97ff.),Mahacu!a-upasaka

(105f.).

They are

already included in the classified listshown above.

(3)

Names of persons which are listed

in

this Iist only:

(41)

upasika, Kusala-upasaka,Hafikala-upasaka,Daliddattherika, Suvaprpa-.

kara Konta, Tissa-darika,Dalidda-upasaka.

(4)

Names of persons which are too vague to be recognized as

proper names: `upasika kesakalape', Duggatitthi, Mittatthera,.

Kammara, Mahagama-balika

The names of the third group and probably of the fourth

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SfHALAX'A'I'Tl{UPPAKARANA and PALI ATTHAKATHA 67

L e

--in question as in the case of the second group.

5.

(loneRudgng Resuaarks

I have discussed the Sihalavatthztand Pali commentaries, and

also the

Siha.lavatthpt

and Pali chronicles, comparing their contents

from

the position of the chronological commonalities of their

source materials. As a result of this investigation,the following

.remarks can be concluded:

(1)

The Sihagavatthu and Pali commentaries of which the major

source is called the "Slhalat.Lhakatha'', share their source materials:

as for corresponding stories about certain historicalaccounts, etc.,

the one includes more detailed descriptionsthan the otker does.

Reverse cases are also to

be

found.

(2)

The same can be said to be true of the textual relation

existing between the Sihagavatthu and Pali chronicles specifically

the .IY4dhavampsa, the basic source of which is widely known as

the ``Sihala-Mahavamsatthakatha''.

Some cominon or similar fea

-

---tures found in corresponding stories of these two suggest that

they originated at least in part from certain common sources.

(3>

On the other hand, the Siha(avatthMcontains numerous preper

names which cannot be identifiedeven with the aid of

Malala-sekera's Dictionar.y

of

I?Ili ProPer IVizmes,the most exaustive one・

of itskind ever published. These unknown names are widely related.

to persons such as Buddhist monks and lay-people;Buddhist buildings

such as monasteries, topes and residing caves; places such as

kingdoms, countrles, cities, villages, ports, rivers, mountains and

forests;and miscellaneous ones such as ghosts and gods. Altogether'

(22)

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68 ig-V\V,vaIS(fice}tlr

of unidentified proper names in the Siha.lavatthuproves that

this text partiallyoriginated from some other sources than those

of the major Pali texts already known to us such as the Pali

canon, commentaries, chronicles, some irnportantsub-comrnentarles, etc.

<4)

The Sihagavattht{newly presents,as a whole, many unknown

stories or parts of stories concerning known or unknown historical

individualsand events. In thisrespect, this text can be recognized

as valuable material in contributing to new statements upon ancient

history and Buddhism mainly within Sri Lanka and additionally

in India. A,BBREVIATIONS Cv:Das:Dhl<:Dhp:Dpv:DPPN: Dthv:Gv;HBC: HOS:IBK: : Citlavamsa Dasavatthuppakara4a Dhatukatha Dhamrnapada DipavaTpsa

Dictionary of Pali Proper

Names

(G.P.

Malalasekera,

London 1960

<First

!ished 1937-38> 2 vols.

DathavaTpsa Gafidhavamsa

.

Histery of Buddhism iR

Ceylen

(W.Rahula,

Colom-bQ 1956)

Harvard Oriental Series

Indogaku BukkyOgaku

Ke-nkyU, Qr Jeurnalof Indian and Buddhist Stuclies

(Te-kyo) JBS, JSH, JSSR: Knkh: Kv:Mbv:Mhv:MhvT: IN(il:Net:P:PEFEO: PTS:

Journa!of Buddhist

Stud-ies

(Hamamatsu,

Japan)

Ji,saiStudies in the

Hu-manities

(JOsai

University,

Japan)

Journalof the S6tO Sect

Researchers

(Tokyo)

Kafrkhavitarani Kathavatthu Mahabodhivarpsa MahAvamsa Mahavarpsatika, Varpsat-thappakasini Milindapafiha Nettipakara4a Patthana -Publicationsde l'Ecole fr-ancaise d'Extreme-Orient 'Pali Text Society

(23)

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Ras:SA: Sads:Sah:Sas:SihiSmp: SN: SIHALAVATTHUPPAKARANA f -Rasavahinl Samyuttatthakatha, Sarat-thappak2sini Saddharnmasafigaha Sahassavatthuppakara4a Sasanavamsa . SIha!avatthuppakarapa Samantapa$adika, Vinayat thakatha.Sarpyutta Nikaya an-d PALIATTHAKATll,,. -t Taish6: Vibh:Vim:Vis:VisT: Y] Taish6 Tripitaka

nese Version

(Tokyo

-1910, reprint: 100 vols. Vibhaiiga Vimuttimagga Visuddhimagga Visuddhimaggatlka, Para-matthainafijQsa \amaka 69 ef 1897 1960-79) NOTES:

(The

references to Pali texts are to PTS editions unless specificd other-wise.)(l)

Iam grateful to Miss B. A.Scott, a BritishVisitingProfessor,

en's JunierCollege of JOsaiUniversity, Japan, for having read over

rny English in this article,

(2)

Two editions of this text are available at present: A.P. Buddhadatta, ed. :Siha.lavatthuPafearagea. SriLanka lgsg;JacquelineVer Eecl<e:le

SihaFa-vatthuPPakarazza: texte Pali et tradtdiction

(PEFEO

CXXIII) Paris 1980.

(3)

"On

the Siha.lavatthuPPaharaua"

(IBK

VoL XXI, No. 1<1972>pp.

429-36); "Some

Documental Characteristicsof the

Siha.lavai'thuPPaka-rana"

(Indian

and Buddlaist Thoztght:

felicitation

volume Presented to

Professor Dr. Hal'ime Nafeamura, Tokyo 1973, pp. 309-22); "A

Japanese

Translatien and Notes of the Siha.lavatthuPPakaralta

(I)

: Chapter I,

Stories 1---2"

(JSSR

No. 5<1973>pp. 191-202);"A Japanese tion and Notes of the SihalavatthaPPakara"a

(ID

: Chapter I,Stories

3-5"

(JSII

No. 1<1973>pp. 80-101); "Review

on

(I)

le

Dasavatthu-ppakaragea: editeet traduit par J.Ver Eecke,

(now

J.Filliozat) (il)ge

Siha.lavatthuPPakaragea: texte Ptztie'ttraduction par )T.Ver Eecke''

(JSII

No. 10<1983> pp, 147-68).

(4)

The Pali commentaries here refer to the Vis"ddhimagga and the

primary commentaries upon the Pali canon. They are on occasion al.o callecl the AXhakatha texts, the

(Pfili)

AXhakathas or the Piili

tarial texts, etc.

(24)

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7Cs i"-V\MvascIklir

JyOzabu-teki

Ybsb

(A

Study of the Pali Commentaries: Theravadic

Pectsof the A#hakathds) Tokyo : Sankib6 Busshorin 1984,pp. 309-466・

(6)

With regard to the reigning dates of the kings in Sri Lanka, S,

Paranavitava's listis adopted in this study, because this is the most

recent and the most reliable.

(C.W.

Niehelas & S. Paranavitana: A Con・ cise History of Caylen, Colombo lg61,pp. 341-45). Cf.S. Morii '`Review

on Friedgard Lottermoser's Quoted Verse Passages in the Works of

dhaghosa"

(JBS

Vol. XV 1985, pp. 137-39)・

C7)

However the main part of the sources for the Atthakatha texts

seems to have ceased to develop in the period of King Vasabha

ing: 65-10g A,D.).

(8)

p. 153 in Buddhadatta's edition; p. 143 in Ver Eecke's edition.

(9) p. 38f. in PTS edition; p. 31 in HOS edition. Cf. Bhikkhu Nya4amoli,

tr, the Ptithof Purifieation:Visuddhimagga, Colombo 1964,Vol.I,p.102L

(10)

The elder with the same name also appears on two ether pages in Vis

(pp.

171, 173).

(11)

The words in brackets in my translation are supplied by me to aid

a better understanding despite a lack of original words.

(12)

VisT

(I-103)

comments: "tasmiTp game Mahagame". Mahagama was

the local capital in southern Sri Lanka in ancient times.

(13)

Gedatsudbron

(TaishO

Vol. XXXI, p. 403b).

(14)

Dpv chap. XXII, vv. 66-76; Mhv chap. XXXVII, vv. Iff.

(15)

p. 167f. in Buddhadatta's edn.; p. 157 in Ver Eecke's edn.

(16)

SA II-166f.

(17)

p. 111,vv. 1-7 in Buddhadatta's edn.; p. 103,vv. 1-8 in Ver Eecke's

edn,

(18)

Mhv chap. XXXII, vv. 1-5.

(19)

With regarcl to this king, see S. Mori: "Chronology

of the `Sihala

SDurces'for the PaliCommentaries

(I)"

(JBS

Vol.XVI<1987>,p. 169f,)

(20)

Concerning this elder, see Mhv chap. XXIII, vv. 2, 63ff.;chap. XXVI,

v, 2; chap. XXXII, vv. 48ff.; MhvT II-453, etc. He was originally one of the ten great warriors of King Dutthagamapi.

(20

Regarbing the chattaleamma. see N.A. Jayawickrama : the Chronicle of the ThtiPa and the ThtzPavai?isa,London 1971. p. 136, n. 8.

(22)

Regarding the railing

(vediha),

see do.

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SiHALAVATTHUP.- PAKARANA e "---- and PALI ATTHAKATHA 71 ...t !..

(23)

Cf. Mhv p. 355, "Netes

on a Few Remarlcable Words and Forms". T/here is an explanation : S`ka7ifetf.t.thako, a kind of soil or mould of a

golden or silver colour."

(2・{)

Tb.e whole story of the jifalaitvai,nsaisrelated in 84 verses

er ; vvhereas that of the Siha.lavatticutakes 4g verses in Buddhadatta's

edn., and 51 verses in Ver Eeeke's edn.

(25)

Mhv : Malayamahiideva or Maliyadeva,

(26) Mhv : rvlaha"vyaggha.

(27)

But Ma!lgarpavasika Khaddatissatthera is ref,erred to in Mhv

XXXII, v. 53) only,

(28) Chapter XVI, Mahacetiyaka:,ha in the TktzPavampsa written by

ara in the thirteenth C. isvery similar tD Chapter XXXII in the

Mahd-vamsa now in question, As Geiger has pointed out, the cornposition of

the 'former was clearly based upon the latter.

{Ethel

M. Coomaraswamy.

tr.:the Dipavamsa and n4tzhdvamsa ond thet"rEistorical DeveloPment in

Ceylon by W. Geiger, Colombo 1908, p. 85f.; N.A. Jayawickrama:eP. cit.

<n,

21>, pp, 248-53). As for the date of Vacissara, see ibid.,Introd.

p. xxif.

(2g)

Dpv chap. XVIII, v. 53f.;chap. IXX, vv. 1-10.

(3o)

The original phrase is "sambaddharp pubbajatiya". Incidentallyno

sta'L'ement about Prince Salican be obtained in Dpv.

(31)

pp. 26-32 in Buddhadatta's edn.; pp. 24-28 in Ver Eecke's edn.

(.v,2)

MhvT II-605.

(33)

CL W. Rahula : HBC Introd. pp. xxvii-xli,

Co,4)

MhvT quotes the Sahassavatthu at least two times apart from the

case of the story of Sali : pp. 451, 453. Cf, S, Mori : "the

Seshassa-vattha as referred to in the Mahdva2.nsa

Tiha"

(IBK

VoL XXII, No. x

<1973>,

pp. 115-20).

(3s)

A.P. Buddhadatta, ed.: SahassavatthmpPakarana, Sri Lanka 1959,

P. XXIX.

(36)

JacquelineFilliozat: te SahassavatthuPPakarapaa : aaitioncritique et

version

frangaise,

Paris, Ecole frangaise d'Extrame-Orient 1986, p. 5.

(37)

p. 108 in Buddhadatta's edn.; p. 94 in Filliozat'sedn.

(3s)

K. Nanavimala, ed.: Rasavtzhini,Colombo 1961, pp. 218-26.

(3g)

AilPaH canon except for Dhp, Vibh, Dhk, Y and P, and all Pali

(26)

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72 i・a- LieetAfapt1(t\

mentaries except for those on Dhk, Pug, Kv, Y and P, together with

chrenicles such as Dpv, Mhv, Dthv, Gv, Mbv, and Sas, and also some

other important works such as Mil,Net, Sads, MhvT, etc. are delt with exhaustively as the source material of this dictionary.Those notable

exceptions mentiened above are almost all Abhidhammic texts whieh

contain no proper names to be referred to. Some headwords which have

been taken up only from Ras cannot be consulted on this matter, be-cause this text isconcerned with the same lineage as Sih and Sah, then many proper names in the former can be supposed to have originated

from the latter.

(40)

p. 170. Although the meaning of this Iist is rather unclear, in its

foetnote, it is noted by the editor concernin.cr. this list,that "K.

pet-take imani uddanani natthi. Tani pana sagathakavatthfinaTp ante

tabbanil'; and this listis excluded in Ver Eecke's edition.

(41)

There is a possibility that this person is the identicalwith

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