Vol.63 , No.3(2015)198伊藤 真「会昌寺会〓と唐代初期の五台山信仰」

The Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

The JapaneseAssociation of Indian and Buddhist Studies

.lournal

oflhdian

andBuddhist StacfiesVbl.

63,

No.

3,

March2015

(47)

On

Huize

of

Huichang

si

and

Wutaishan

Worship

in

Early

Tang

ITO

Makoto

Introduction

In

his

IIitayanJ'iprg

zhuap!ii

iftwffiXEE

(hereafter:

HtzayanMemoirs,

the

sUtra

hereafL

ter:HleiayanJ'ing),Fazang

Visu

(643-712)

frequently

mentions

Wutaishan

iilftLIa

or

Qingliangshan

?fith

LLI,

which was believedto

be

the sacred abode of MabjuSri

(Ch.

Wenshushili

JkiskenfU

)

. YbshizuYbshihide

points

out that

this

emphasis on

Wutaishan

re-flects

one of

Fazang's

"intentions"

fbr

writing theHtzayanMbmoirs, and that

it

served as a

catalyst

fbr

the

later

fiourishing

ofWutaishan worship. i) But why

did

Fazang show such a

keen interestinWutaishan worship, which

has

hardly

any connection te

his

Huayan

thoughtor hismonastic Iineage?2) This_paperaims toexamine Wutaishanworship

in

early

Tang,

which

fbrms

the

backdrop

toFazang's

interest.

by

fbcusing

on the tripstotheregion

by

Huize

_kue

of theHuichang sif2?g

<F

during

the

Longshuo

era

(661-663)

.

1.

Huize's

Trips

to

Wutaishan

Wutaishan,inwhat

is

now the ShanxiProvince,was revered

in

ancient

China

as the

hal-lowed

_ground of _sacred immortals

(shenxian

kEIimb)

. It

is

said to

have

become

a

Buddhist

3)

Later,_placeof sanctity around theNorthernWei.

people

identifiedthemountain with

the

abede ofMafljuSri,

Qingliangshan,

mentioned

in

theHiiayanl-ing

[Tbisho

9,

_p.

590a].

Ac-cording to

(ht

_eingliangzhuan

i5?fithiX

(hereafier:

Old

eingliang

Memoirs)

by

Hui-xiang

reJB:

(mid-7th

toearly 8thcentury) , itwas Huize'stripsthatmade

"the

sacred sites

of

Qingliang

increasingly

famous

in

and around thecapital"

(7fi2Elireut,

EewS(X)

[Taisho

51,_p.

1098c]

in

the early Tang. During the 8th century, Amoghavajra

(Ch.

Bukong ]f<

ig)

_, Chengguan

Een,

and Fazhao

tk

Hg,,

among others, would make

Wutaishan

a major religious destination.

Although contemporary works such asJ\tz_gaoseng zhuan

Mfi'

refi,

.li shenzhou sanbao

-1141-（48） On　Huize　ofHuichang 　si　and 　Wutaishan　Worship　in　Early　Tang （M ，　ITo）

gantong 　

lu

　

E

神州 三 宝 感 通録 （hereafter：

Ganto

　ng　

Records

）

，and 　

Fayuan

　zhulin 法 苑 珠

林 recount 　Huize’s　trips　to　

Wutaishan

，　

little

　

is

　

known

　_ofhis 　

life

_．　

Even

　

his

　_name 　

is

　_{unclear ．}

Fazang　calls　him　Huiyi 会頤_，　while 　others 　mostly 　refer 　to　him　as　Huize．

1．1．　Otd　

eing

・liang　Memoirs

　　The　Old　

2ingliang

　Memoirs　

j

　s　the　oldest　extant　material 　exclusively 　

focused

　on　Wutai−

shan 　worship _．　Huixiang　writes 　about 　his　trips　to　Wutaishan　

in

　

667

　_and 　

669

，　and 　the　Iatest date　mentioned 　in　the　text　is　679．　Further_，　

Huixiang

　refers　to　

Gaozong

．

高宗，　who 　reigned

until　

683

_，　as　the　“Present　Emperor”

Ginshang

今上 ）．

Therefbre

，　scholars 　generally　

believe

it

　w ・・c・mpl ・t・

d

・・m ・tim・ b・tween ・679・and ・684． ‘）_Th

・

Old

・

ei

。gli。 。g・M 。m 。irs・

h

・，　a ・el−

atively 　detailed　passage　on 　Huize’s　trip．

During　the　Longshuo　era，　frequent　Imperial　orders 　made 　Huize　of　Huichang　si　in　the　West　capital

visit　

Qingliangshan

_，　with 　lnner　Pa_{［ace 　attendant} 　fan−flag_canierZhangXinghong_{and 　ethers ，}to　re−

search 　sacred 　sites．　Huize　and 　others ．．．leading　over 　a　dozen　members ，　including　Lu　Xuanlan　of

Wutai　County　and　painter　Zhang　Gongrong _，　proceeded　together　to　climb 　the　Middle　Terrace　peak．

When　they　were　still　a　hundred　bu歩 ［about 　l　50　meters _］asvay _，　they　saw 　a　Buddha　statUe　in　the

distance．　Appearing　extremely 　lifelike_，　it　_moved 　its　limbs　_about

，　going　back　and 　forth，　and 　looking

back　at　them ．Astheygraduallygot_closer ，　it

　became　_{more 　and 　more 　vivid} ．At　_a　distance　_of 　five　bu

［about 　8　meters ］，it　suddenly 　vanishod ．．．In廿ont　ofapagoda _{， （}thc　painter）Zhang　Gongrong　was

sent　to　reftrbish　an　old　Buddha　statue．　Just　as　he価 shed _，　they　heard　the　sound 　of 　a　giant　bell．．．

Hujze　and 　the　ethers 　cQmpleted 　their　task　under 　lmperial　order _，　and　returned 　to　report 　all　the　auspi − cious 　signs　they　had　witnessed ．　Prefoundly　fUlfilling　the　Imperial　edict _，　the　sacred 　sites　of　

Qingli

−

ang 　became 　increasingly　famous　in　and　around 　the　capital ，　and 　Mafiju≦ri’s　sacred 　teachings　helped

spread 　the （Buddhist）way ．．．Also，　Huize　made 　a　sma 正1　screen 　ofapicture 　of　the （Wutai_）moun −

tain，　and 　authored 　a　brief　single−volume 　memoir ．　lt　is　said　to　have　circulated　widely 　in　the　three

districts　in　and 　around 　the　capita1 ．

唐 龍朔 年中， 頻 勅西京 会 昌寺 沙門会 饋 共 内侍掌扇張行 弘等， 往 清 涼山， 検行聖 迹．蹟等 ．．．井 将五 台県 呂玄 覧， 書 師張 公栄 等十余人， 共 往中台之 上． 未至台百歩 ，遙見仏像． 宛若 真容 ，揮 動 手足， 循 還顧 盻， 漸 漸至 近， 展転分 明．去 余五歩， 忽然 冥滅 ．．．．又 於塔 前， 遣 栄 粧 修 故 仏 ． 点 眼 纔畢， 並 聞洪 鐘 之 響 ，．．．頤等， 既承国命， 目覩佳祥， 具已奏 聞． 深称 聖 旨． 於是， 清 涼 聖跡， 益 聴京 畿， 文殊 宝 化， 昭揚 道路 ．．．．蹟， 又 以此 山図為 小 帳 ，述 略伝一巻． 広行三輔云．（Taisho　51，p ．1098b−c）

　　Although　Huixiang　vividly 　

depicts

　

Huize

’s　activities_，　ambiguities 　remain ．　

He

　

does

　not

record 　the　

dates

　of　the ‘‘

frequent

　Imperial　orders ．”Huize’s　screen 　painting　and 　the　

brief

memoir 　are　not　extant_；

hence

_，　there　

is

　no　way 　of　

knowing

　

how

　

it

　may 　or　may 　not　

have

　in−

The Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

The 　Japanese 　Association 　of 工ndian and _Buddhist 二_St二udies

On　Huize　ofHuichang 　si　and 　Wutaishan　Worship　in　Early　Tang（M ．　ITO） （49）

192．（

7antong

・Records

　　

Daoxuan

道 宣 （596−

₆₆₇

_）

_finished

　comPiling 　the　

Ganton9

　

Reco

「

ds

　

in

　the　

fi

「st　

yea

「of

Linde （

664

）［Taisho　52_，　

p

．435a ］．This　makes 　

his

　the　earliest 　extant 　account 　of　Huize’s trip．　

Daoxuan

　writes ：“

ln

　the　first　year　of ］麁mg ’s　

Longshuo

（661），an　Imperial　order 　was

given

　to　make 　

Huiohang

　si　monk 　Huize　visit 　Wutaishan　to　repair　temples　and　

pagodas

”

（唐龍朔元年， 下勅令会 昌寺僧会 蹟往五 台山修理寺塔．）［Taisho　52，　p．422c コ．He

goes

　on　to　

depict

　the　natUral 　surroundings 　and 　

historical

　sites　of　

Wutaishan

　

in

　considerable

detail

．　Then，　

he

　

gives

　a　

detailed

　account 　of 　Huize ’

s　second 　trip．

In　the　second 　_year　of　Longshuo　ofthe 　Present　Emperor （662）_，Huize　was 　made 　to　go　there　again ，

with　oMcials 　and 　assistants_，　money 　and 　valuables _，　to　repair　old　temples．　Huize ，　together　with 　a

cheng 承 ［oMcial _］ef　Wutai　County　and 　an 　entourage 　of　more 　than　twenty 　people，　immediately

paid　a　visit　to　the　Middle　Terrace　peak，　and 　witnessed 　a　stone 　statUe　sitUated 　by　a　cliff　moving 　its

body　and 　arms 　about ．　On　reaching 　the　place　of　the　statUe，　they　were 　utterly 　disappointed　to　find　that it　was 　

just

　a　ro¢k．．．（Huize）made 　an　artisan 　repair　two 　pagodas，　and 　placed　a　statUe　of　MafijuSri

near　the　pagoda ．　Sudden且_y　they　heard　the　sound 　of　a　bell　between　the　pagedas ，　ringing 　out　repeat −

edly 　and 　ceaselessly ．

今上龍朔二 _年， 又 令 蹟往， 井 吏 力財帛往 修理故 寺 ． 蹟 与五 台県承 匚

＝ 丞］并 将 従二 十 余

人，直 詣 中台． 見石像 臨崖 搖動 身 手． 及至 像所 乃是 方 石悽然多感．．．．令作工 修理二塔 井

文殊像徙倚 塔辺． 忽 聞塔 問鍾声 振発 連椎 不已．（Taisho　52

，　p．422c ）

　　This　

passage

　tells　us　that　

Huize

　visited 　Wutaishan　

in

　

661

　and 　

662

．　

Repairs

　of　temples

and 　

pagodas

　seem 　to　

have

　taken　place　on 　

both

　occasions ，　

but

　_{accounts 　of}the_second 　trip_，

with 　abundant 　

human

　and 　

financial

　resources_，　roughly 　match 　those　

in

　the　

Old

　

gingliang

Memoirs ．　From　this

，　we 　may 　surrnise　that　Huize ’

s　screen 　painting　and 　

brief

　memoir 　were

completed 　after　the　

662

　trip．

2

．

Who

　

Ordered

　

Huize

　

to

　

Visit

　

VVutaishan

？

　　Let　us　now 　examine 　some 　aspects 　of　

Huize

’s　trips　that　may 　

be

　relevant 　to　

Fazang

’s

Huayan 　

Memoirs

．

　　

It

　would 　

be

　natUral 　to　presume　that　the“lrnperial　orders ” （chi 勅）sending 　

Huize

　on　

his

way 　were 　ediots 　

by

　the　emperor 　

Gaozong

』 owever ，　Wang 　Junzhong　

believes

　that　the　

Em

−

press

　

Wu

　Zetian武則天 took　the　

initiative

_．

Wang

　argues　that　

Gaozong

　suffered 　

from

　

gout

and 　was 　nearly 　

blind

　after　660_；

hence

_，　

Empress

　

Wu

　effectively 　controlled 　state　affairs．

Wang 　also　

points

　out　that　the　

Old

　

2ingliang

　

Memoirs

，　at　the　end 　of　its　account 　of　Huize，

一 ₁₁₄₃ 一

(50)

On Huize ofHuichang siand WutaishanWbrship inEariyTlang

(M.

ITO)

states thatonly thespiritually _profbund can understand the "ambition _embraced

by

_the

Sa-cred

Empress"

(shenghou

zhi suo zhi

agJfiZjlFiEulr,)

[[Ibisho

51,

_p.

1098c].

Wang

attri-butes

Empress Wu's strong orientation towards

Buddhism

as

the

reason

fbr

herinterestin

Wutaishan.6)

As we saw from the account inthe

Old

eingliang

ILtfemoins,

Huize was accompanied by

an official of the

Inner

Palace

(hougong

thP;).

Thismay also refiect Empress

Wu's

in-volvement inHuize'sentcrprise.

If

it

was

indeed

Empress Wu's initiativethatsent Huize to

Wutaishan,

how

is

this

fact

significant?

Here,

Fazang

becomes

relevant.

wny

did

he

emphasize

Wutaishan

worship

in

his

HtzayanMemoins?

Inthe HLiayan Mlamoins,

Fazang

incorporates

various contemporary religious trends,

such as the

beliefin

Ksitigarbha

(Ch.

Dizang ±

[lles)

Bedhisattva.7) Therefore,we can

pre-sume thatthe_{growing popularity}of

Wutaishan

worship since

Huize's

tripscould

have

mo-tivatedFazang toinclude

it

in

his

work. 8)

However, Yoshizu haspointedout thatthere

is

a "public"

(6yake

1]t)

chaTacter tothe

Hitayan

Migmoing,

and

that

it

is

virtually a declarationof Fazang's establishment of the

Huayan zong.

Yoshizu

notes Fazang'slavish_praiseofEmpress Wu. It_{comes after} the

life-story ofFazang's master Zhiyan

igva,

which

Ybshizu

sees as a crux ofthe

Hheayan

Mlem-oirs.9) We sense

_political

intentions

behind

Fazang's

authorship: a strong

desire

to

_praise

Empress Wu and to_propagate

the

Huayan

zong

by

leveraging

her

_powers.

Therefore,

ifin

fact,

it

was Emp;ess

Wu

who

had

_giventhe

Imperial

orders toHuize,Fazang may well

haveemphasized Wutaishanworship tofbrwardhis_{politicalgoals.}

3.

Fazang's

Huayan

Memoirs

and

Huize's

[Ilrips

to

Wutaishan

Ybshizu

notes that

Huayan-centered

_practiceand

its

auspicious signs are what

Fazang

emphasized most inthelfuayan

Mbmoins,

but

Ybshizu

_pointsout two other major

charac-teristics:

(1)

the"public"

or _political

intentions

with Empress Wu

in

mind; and

(2)

em-phasison Wutaishan worship.

However,

the connection

between

these

two aspects is un-clear. Ybshizu_argues that

Fazang

himselfwasn't

_{especially attracted to}Wutaishanworship.

Rather,he wrote about

_people

with tiestothesacred mountain

because

they

fu1fi11ed

his

criteria fbrchoosing life-stories:stories of those who specialized inHuayan-centered

The Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

The 　Japanese 　Association 　of 工ndian and _Buddhist 二_St二udies

On　Huize　of　Huichang　si　and 　Wutaishan　Worship　in　Early　Tang （M 　ITo） （

51

）

the　Huayan 　Memoirs　

focusing

　on 　

Huayan

　specialists　as　the　main 　

body

．　

The

　aim 　

is

　to　send

a　message 　to　Empress　Wu 　on　the　sacred 　powers　of　the　

HuayanJ

’

ing

　and　

his

　superior　capac −

ity

・

i

・・P・・

P

・

g

・ti・

g

　it・w ・rship．’°）H・w ・v・r_，　refe・ence ・t・ W ・tai・h・n ・re　p・esent 　th…

gh

・ut

the　work ．

　　

How

，　then，　can　we 　comprehensively 　understand 　the　

Hu

_のyan　Memoirs _，　while 　inco_耳）orat−

ing　the　two　major 　characteristics 　Y6shizu　

has

　pointed　out ？This　

becomes

　

possible

　

if

　we

posit　the　above 　

political

　

intention

　as　a　reason 　

for

　

Fazang

’s　

interest

　towards　

Wutaishan

　wor −

ship ．　

Because

　it　was 　Empress　Wu _，　not 　Emperor　

Gaozong

_，　who 　sent　

Huize

　to　

Wutaishan

and 　

initiated

　a　new 　trend　of　

MafijuSri

　and　

Hu

_のyan　_／’ing　worship ，　Fazang ’

s　emphasis 　on

Wutaishan　can 　

be

　seen 　as　an　eff（）rt　to　align　himselfwith　the　Empress．

　　

ln

　the　

Huayan

　

Memoirs

，　Fazang　states　that　Huize，　on　

his

　visit　to　Wutaishan

，　paid　obei

−

sance 　to　the　l　O6−_year−old　monk 　Mingyao _明曜 ［Taisho　

51

，

P

．

169c

］，Mingyao 　was 　a　fヒ1

−

low　_practitioner　of 　the　

famous

‘‘

Observation

　of　

Rays

　of　

Buddha

” 1皿editation （Foguang

guan 仏 光 観）pioneered　

by

　the　monk 　

Jietuo

解 脱。　

Huayan

　

Memoirs

　and 　

Old

　

eingliang

Memoirs

　

devote

　_{much 　space} 　to　

praising

　Jietuo　as　a　

prominent

　Wutaishan　monk 「raisho　51_，

P

。169a−c，　

P

．1096a

−

_b

_］．

_It

　

is

　notable 　that　at　the　end 　of　

Jietuo

’s　

life

−story_，　

Fazang

　recounts

Huize’

s　third　trip　to　

Wutaishan

．

　　The　name 　of　

Qingliang

　has　now 　been　revived ．　In　September　of　the　first　year　of　Linde　of　the　Present

　　Emperor，　Huiyi　of　Huichang　si　and　gztoyi果毅 ［military 　officer ］Zhen　WanfU　were 　given　lmperial

　　orders 　to　offer　monastic 　robes　to　the　remains （ofJietUo ）．．．Devotees　f_をom 　far　_{and 　wide 　all　remem} − 　　ber　forever　the　long−gone　sacred 　manifestations _（of　Jietuo）witnessed 　there．Jietuo’_{s　words 　were}

　　indeed　true．

　　清 涼之号 於茲 復 興 ．及 今上麟 徳元年九 月， 勅会昌寺沙 門会 頤果毅 甄万福， 送衲 袈 裟奉 其

　　遺 陰．．．．自遐邇帰心 之士 ，莫不永懐斯地遠験 ． 脱言 信矣 ．（Taisho・51

，p．169c） 　　Fazang’

s　

last

　statement 　refers 　to　Jietuo’s　

prophecy

　at　the　time　of　his　death　

in

　

642

；“After

my 　

death

，　there　will　

be

　a　great　person　who 　will　honor　my 　name ”

（我 没 後 当有 大 人 顕 我 名 也 ）匸

Taisho

　51_，p．169c］．

Fazang

　claims 　that　Huize’s　third　trip　to　Wutaishan　

in

　

664

　un−

der

　

lmperial

（

in

　

fact

　

Empress

　

Wu

’s）orders　fUlfilled　JietUo’s　prophecy．　However _，　the　Old

gingliang

　Memoirs　narrates 　a　

different

　story．　It　says　

that

　thetripwas made 

by

twomen

，

Yinzhen

殷 甄 and 　

WanfU

万 福_，　notHuize_andZhengWanfU _，looking

for

_{chrysanthemums}

，

which 　were 　thought　to　

be

　an　elixir ［

Taisho

　

51

，p．1094c］．

Whatever

　the　truth　may 　

be

，　

by

praising

　

Huize

’s　

third

　trip　to　

Wutaishan

　as　a　sacred 　deed_，　Fazang　also 　effectively 　praises

Empress　

Wu

’sBuddhist 　merits ．

一 ₁₁₄₅ 一

（

52

） On　Huize　of　Hu量chang 　si　and 　Wutaishan　Worship　in　Early　Tang （M ．　ITo）

Conclusion

　　In　this　paper_，　we 　

looked

　at　the　accounts 　of 　Huize　of　Huichang　si’

s　trips　to　Wutaishan．　If

we 　take　his　

deeds

　and 　the　subsequent 　

flourishing

　of　

Wutaishan

　worship 　to　

have

　

been

　

initi

−

ated　

by

　

Empress

　

Wu

_，　we 　can 　see　Fazang’s　political　

intentions

　

behind

　the　emphasis 　on

Wutaishan　worship 　

in

　his　Huayan 　Me 〃loir．g．　Fazang’s　account 　of　a　third　trip　

by

　Huize　also

illustrates

　this　point．

　　

Y6shizu

　notes 　that　

Fazang

　was 　not　

himself

　a　

devotee

　of　

Wutaishan

　worship ．　

Then

　

how

did　Fazang　understand 　or　evaluate 　it？This　is　a　topic　that　I　hope　to　pursue  her．　My 　ten−

tative　view 　is　that　Fazang’s　political　inclination　limited　his　ability 　to　appreciate 　the　depth

offaith　and　practices　exercised 　

in

　the　

Wutaishan

　region ．

Notes1

）　Y6shizu ［1991：156］．

2）For　discussions　on　the　characteristics 　of　Huayan　thought 　in　the　Wutaishan　region 　and 　Chang ，an

area _，　see　K （）

j

　ima ［1991 ］．

3）Hibino　and 　Ono ［1995：72−73 ］．

4）Hibino　and 　Ono ［1995：61 ］_， Ibuki［1987：35 ］．However_，　Yoshizu　argues 　that　it　was 　written 　in

the　early　8th　centUry　under　the　infiuence　ofFazamg ’s　Huayan　Memoirs （Yoshizu ［1991：163］）．Ihad

earlier 　taken　the　same 　view _（lt6 ［2014：21 ］）_；however ，1　may 　need 　to　reexamine 　my 　position．

5

）YamamotO　Kenji　points　out 　that　there　is　a　Concise　Memoir _（

〜ズ肱 駕 ∫加 η （Sho

’

ryo−san 　rγakz｛den

清 涼 山略伝 ）in　one 　volume 　listed　in　the　catalogue 　oftexts 　brought　back　te　Japan　in　847　by　Emiin円

仁，but　the　volume 　itself　is　not 　extant （Yamamoto ［1995；62 ］）．

6 ）Wang ［1998：ll］．An 　account 　of　Gaozong’s　illness　and 　Empress　Wu ’s　de　facto　takeover 　can　be

fbund　in　the　Oid　Book　of 　Tang（Jiu　Tang　shu 旧唐書 ）volume 　5．

7 ）See　It6_［2014：23−26 ］．

8 ）　It6匚2014：22−23 ］．

9

）See　Yoshizu［1991；166コand　Taisho　51，PP．163b− 164b．

10_）Ybshizu［1991；156− 157， 167− 168］．

References

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　　洋 文庫 593．Tokyo：Heibonsha ．　First　published　1　942．

IbUki　Atsushi伊 吹敦 ．1987．“T6s6　Esh6　ni　tsuite” 唐僧 慧祥_に就いて．　Maseda　Daigaku　Daigakuin

　　Borngaku　Kenkyiika 紅_アδrTetsugaku，　shigaku −hen　bessatsu早弄牆田大学 大 学 院文学研 究 科 紀要：

　　哲 学 ・史学 篇 別冊 14．

It6　Makoto_{伊藤 真．2014 ．}“H6z6　Kegonkiyδ　denki　no 　zokUjintachi ”

The Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

The 　Japanese 　Association 　of 工ndian and _Buddhist 二_St二udies

On　Huize　of　Huichang　si　and 　Wutaishan　Worship　in　Early　Tang （M ．　ITO） （53）

　　Buk！

yoJ

　Daigaku　Borkkyδ　Gakkai　kiyo

一

佛 教 大学仏教学会紀要 19．

K（）

j

　ima　Taizan小 島岱 山．1991．“Godaisan−kei　Kegonshis6　no　tokUshitsu　to　tenkai” 五 台 山系 華厳 思

　　想の特 質 と展 開．Kegongaku 　kendyti　

ge

_{厳学 研 究 3．}

Wang 　J  zhong 王俊中．1998．　“Wutaishan　de　‘shengshan 　hua’　yu　Wenshu　Pusa　daochang　de　queli”

　　五 台 山 的 「聖山化 」 与文殊菩薩道場的確立．Zhengguan 　Foxzte　yanjiu　zazhi _{正 観仏 学研究雑}

　　誌 7．

Yamamoto 　Kenji 山本 謙 治．1995．“Godaisan・_ni・_okeru ・_seichi・_shink6 ・_no ・keisei”

五 台 山に お ける聖地 　　信 仰の 形 成．Jinbun　kagaku人文科学 14．

Yoshizu　Yoshihide 吉津 宜英 ．1991．1_{（ego η ’σ}

切δ∫廊 δ ηo 舵η娵 華 厳一乗 思想_の 研 究．　Tokyo ：

　　Dait6　Shuppansha．

〈Key　words ＞ 1扣_4γα η卿 g　zぬ呶 _η

1

’， 華厳 経伝 記，　G麗卿 g∬∫砌 g　z枷oη， 古清 涼伝，　Mount 　Wutai，

Wutaishan ，五台山，Fazang ，法蔵，　Huize，会

Wt

，　Huiyi，会頤

　　　　　　　（A （ijunct　LectUrer，　Buktkyo　University，　PhD ）

一 ₁₁₄₇ 一