DISCUSIONS AND CONCLUSIONS 8.1. Introduction
In this chapter, results/findings of the dissertation are briefly summarized. Beside, a short discussion and implication will be included.
The aim of this dissertation is to explore the actual situation of Vietnamese brides in Korea. Empirical research was conducted to collect data sources, including a questionnaire survey and in-depth interviews. By exploring problems confronting Vietnamese brides in their effort to establish economic, social and legal status for settlement; this study reveals a diversified picture of Vietnamese brides in Korea and give an inside view into their actual lives after migration.
8.2. Results/findings
Concerning about economic condition of Vietnamese brides before and after migration, the dissertation answers the first question: Do Vietnamese brides satisfy with the actual economic status in Korea and why?
Results of this dissertation show that Vietnamese brides migrated to Korea, yearning for an economic betterment. Unexpectedly, many brides are faced with economic difficulties in Korea because their Korean husbands have low income and they themselves cannot make money.
While some brides are satisfied with their economic condition in Korea, many of them are disappointed.
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Qualitative analysis provides evidences to account that the disappointment of Vietnamese brides reflects the gap between their expectation and reality. Satisfied brides are those who married high income husbands or who married the low income husband but the brides are able to work. Unsatisfied brides are those who married the low income husbands and they themselves do not work.
For the second question, what are the difficulties and constraints Vietnamese brides faced in their adaptation in rural and urban areas of Korea?
The findings of this study collaborate with research results of Go and Kim (2008), i.e., Vietnamese brides migrated to rural areas of Korea confronting with more difficulties and constraints to improve Korean language for adaptation than in urban areas. In urban areas, the main constraint is busyness with childcare. In contrast, constraints in rural areas are varied including busyness with childcare, taking care of old parents, farming work, living far from the center, etc. More importantly, the dissertation revealed that educational level of Vietnamese brides deserves special concern, particularly, nearly one third of brides in rural areas have primary education and lower. Those brides will be the most problematic group, struggling for settlement.
For third question, how can Korea and Vietnam manage marriage migration between two countries and its emerging issues, especially problems in Vietnamese brides’ private lives?
The study demonstrated that governmental policies and regulations in Vietnam and Korea have contributed to the proliferation of international marriages between two countries. To control and monitor marriage migration between Vietnam and Korea effectively, Vietnam and Korea need to focus on management marriage brokers adequately, revising related laws, providing pre- and post- migration supporting programs for Vietnamese brides and Korean husbands/in-laws,
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increasing incorporation to make legal support, legal agreement to provide human right protection for Vietnamese brides after migration.
Through the results of this study, we can see that since most of Vietnamese brides got married to the low income husbands and they themselves have limited job opportunities;
supporting the wives to work to improve the income of their families is very important. Thus, training classes for low educated foreign brides to get suitable job is meaningful and necessary.
Since Vietnamese brides in rural areas are faced with more difficulties to improve Korean language for adaptation than in urban areas, to provide them supporting programs, it is necessary to consider their backgrounds, their actual demands, and the constraints confronting them in different geographical regions. Besides, because educational level of Vietnamese brides is low, especially there are some brides who cannot read and write in Vietnamese properly; special education program need to be provided to help them improve Korean ability. For example, bilingual teaching program could be helped. Bilingual teaching staffs should be the Vietnamese brides who are good at Korean. If this teaching program is conducted by Vietnamese brides, the low educated brides can improve both Vietnamese and Korean easier, More importantly, it would be a great opportunity for Vietnamese brides to enlarge their social network, to be economic independent (for those brides who participate in teaching staff), and consequently to recover their self-confidence.
Due to the different governmental policies in Vietnam and Korea, the incorporation of two Governments is important to make legal support, legal agreement to provide human right protection for Vietnamese brides after migration. To control and monitor marriage migration effectively, Vietnam and Korea needs to focus on controlling marriage brokers adequately,
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revising related laws, providing pre- and post- migration supporting programs for Vietnamese brides and Korean husbands/in-laws. To establish transnational network is necessary to provides sufficient and reliable information both for Vietnamese women and Korean men.
8.3. Discussions
This study investigates the actual life of Vietnamese brides in Korea. Results of this study support the second viewpoint on foreign brides we reviewed in chapter 2. That is, foreign brides should be seen as active movers, struggling to adapt to the new life (Nakamatsu, 2003; Wang, 2007; Wen and Wang, 2011; Webster and Haandrikman, 2012). Most of Vietnamese brides in this study decided to migrate for marriage by themselves, both via brokers and relatives or friends. Their aim of out-migration is to seek for better economic condition both for themselves and supporting their natal families. Thus, they are not victims of commodification marriage business, but active movers with specific goals. After migration, despite of economic difficulties, heaped up constraints for adaptation, various adversities in private life; Vietnamese brides are struggling to learn Korean for settlement. Their endeavor exhibits significant decisiveness and self-determination to undertake the challenges of international marriage migration.
Evidences on the actual life of Vietnamese brides in this study advocates Piper’s proposition to view foreign brides’ roles in destination countries, i.e., they take multi-dimensional roles. We cannot clearly classify Vietnamese brides as brides or workers because such division cannot represent their multiple roles in Korea. If they are simply labor migrants, they will return Vietnam to escape from economic difficulties after migration. In reality, most of them attempt to continue and sustain the marriage. Their desire to maintain the marriages
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confirmed Kim, M. J (2008) statement, i.e., foreign wives do come to Korea for a family, not simply for economic betterment.
Generally, foreign brides’ migration from developing to developed nations is commonly assumed as hypergamy marriage due to the disparity in economic development between sending and receiving countries. However, the situation of Vietnamese brides in Korea (as in Taiwan) verifies the necessity to pay attention to social status the marriage couples. Filipina or Chinese brides in Korea may have hypergamy marriages, but it is not common to Vietnamese brides.
Thus, the measurement of hypergamy marriage needs to be defined clearly to recognize in what sense marriage migrants make an upward mobility. As such, the hierarchical social class of international couples needs to be theoretically situated in the analysis of international marriage migration.
8.4. Conclusions
Among existing literatures on international marriage migration, there are insufficient understandings on post migration experiences of foreign brides in destination countries. The findings of this study provide evidences to account that the actual life of marriage migrants in receiving countries needs to be comprehensively understand and sufficiently documented for mapping the characteristics of marriage migration by regions.
Since international marriages has became a global trend and inevitable outcomes, results of this study can be seen as a remedy to provide detailed information about the actual condition of marriage migrants in destination countries. The voices of Vietnamese brides after migration would be specially meaningful and beneficial for Vietnamese women who are yearning to marry Korean men. Before the marriage, Vietnamese brides need to understand that they may face with
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diverse problems in Korea, for example, economic difficulties, discrimination, conflicts, domestic violence, or other adversities.
In addition, this dissertation calls for more attention on specific group of foreign brides in receiving countries. Since most of foreign brides come from developing countries and out-migrate for economic motivations, their dissatisfaction about economic situation in the destinations may be one of many reasons causing problems in international marriages such as conflicts, or divorce, etc. Since the background of foreign brides is different by nationality, they may face with different difficulties for adaptation. To help foreign brides settle down, it is necessary to understand their real difficulties, constraints and desires.
Furthermore, result of this dissertation offers valuable evidences/data sources for future researches aiming to make comparison analysis on post migration experiences between Vietnamese brides in Korea and other destination countries such as in Taiwan or in the US.
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