Primary EFL : Pedagogical and L2 motivational issues in Japan
著者 Kobori Machiko
出版者 Faculty of Global and Interdisciplinary Studies, Hosei University
journal or
publication title
GIS journal : the Hosei journal of global and interdisciplinary studies
volume 6
page range 17‑28
year 2020‑03
URL http://doi.org/10.15002/00023020
Primary EFL: Pedagogical and L2 motivational issues in Japan
Machiko Kobori Faculty of Global and Interdisciplinary Studies, Hosei University
Abstract
This paper will present an overview of the implementation of primary EFL at the national level within the Japanese context (Koike, 1997; Higuchi, 1997; MEXT, 2014b, 2017f; Morrow, 1987; Seargeant, 2009), and an educational implication which attempts to indicate a possible direction in making more progress with pedagogical approaches to deal with the Japanese primary EFL pupils concerning their L2 motivational issues. Accordingly, the placement of primary EFL in EFL education in Japan and the influence of primary EFL on Japanese EFL learners will be focused on with more attention to practical aspects of their learning EFL;
Japanese primary EFL pupils expect to make more progress with their language proficiency and to be able to communicate with other people in English in this globalising world (MEXT, 2017g).
Keywords: Primary EFL; L2 motivation; MEXT; Courses of Study
Introduction
Learning an EFL quickly became standard and has been widely facilitated in Japan nowadays, due to the prominent influence of globalisation on learning EFL globally (Boo, Dörnyei, &
Ryan, 2015; Dörnyei & Csizér, 2005; Dörnyei, Csizér, & Németh, 2006; Smotrova, 2009;
Tarnopolsky, 1996; Terasawa, 2012; Ushioda, 2011). EFL education in Japan has been drastically reformed through the decades, reflecting significant proposals manifested by Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology (MEXT) in Courses of Study (Kurazumi & Saito, 2013; MEXT, 2019a). Significantly, despite this national movement, EFL was not introduced as a compulsory subject at secondary school level until the year 2002. It has been long relegated to a lower rung compared to other core subjects within the Japanese compulsory education system, such as Japanese, mathematics and science (Terasawa, 2012).
This situation is associated with considerable debate on ‘Why English in Japan?’ that was prompted in the 1970s (Nakatsu, 1978; Terasawa, 2012). Interestingly, the main reason turned out to be a bureaucratic one: EFL education was not implemented to meet a real demand from the Japanese people, but to achieve the administrative goal of maintaining its official status in Japanese society (Terasawa, 2012).
As such, EFL education has long been implemented without any practical way to use it in Japanese society. In fact, it tended to lean towards more liberal-arts oriented approaches than the proficiency-oriented: its main aims were more associated with gaining cultural and international awareness and enhancing human development (ibid.). It can be said that these approaches have not been adaptable for letting them fundamentally comprehend reasons why they are required to develop English proficiency. It seems that too much emphasis has been put on EFL classroom purposes, rather than using English in the real world, which is obviously inconsistent with an English proficiency test such as TOEFL. As a result, Japanese people were disappointingly recognised as ‘not good’ at English in general, and EFL education was initially considered as unsuccessful by a large number of people (Morrow, 1987). Significantly, a paradigm shift in EFL teaching pedagogy is needed to put more emphasis on the societal reasons for developing EFL proficiency, which the reform of the English education (MEXT, 2003, 2014b, 2014c, 2015) seems to be currently attempting. This could be an important step in successfully reforming EFL education in Japan.
The placement of primary EFL in Japan
From the viewpoint of the macro level of Primary EFL, it is significant to note that Japan was one of the few countries which ‘also’ did not introduce compulsory EFL to the state primary sector until the year 2011 (MEXT, 2014; Rixon, 2013). Asian neighbours such as China, South Korea, and Taiwan had already implemented primary EFL by this point in time (Higuchi, 1997;
MEXT, 2014d). The main reasons were clarified with regard to difficulties in the implementation of Primary EFL as an individual subject in the state sector by Higuchi (1997):
Primary EFL as an overload of school subjects for pupils
First priority on developing Japanese as their native language
First priority on reforming Secondary EFL
These reasons had already been identified as early as 1992, when pilot projects to implement Primary EFL in the state primary sector were initially launched in three state primary schools with a contract lasting for three years. The number of schools selected for the experiment increased annually up to a total of 34 in the late 1990s. The location of those schools varied from the far north to the southern island in Japan.
Noticeably, pupils who experienced Primary EFL during this period were featured by their secondary EFL teachers in comparison with those who did not experience Primary EFL as in the following (Kitamura, 1997):
Pupils tend to show more positive attitudes towards an L2 and its culture.
Pupils tend to show more positive attitudes towards EFL.
Pupils tend to show more positive attitudes towards learning EFL and the EFL class.
Pupils tend to have greater ability to enlarge their English vocabulary and develop their listening skill.
Pupils tend to acquire a better accent and rhythm in English and be more competent in their speaking skill.
The effects of primary EFL have been longitudinally studied, not by testing primary pupils directly, but by collecting feedback given by the secondary EFL teachers, teaching the pupils who had gone through Primary EFL under the recent pilot scheme: the results indicate that it provides positive impacts on their L2 motivation (Kitamura, 1997).
With regard to the development of Primary EFL in the state sector in later decades, it will be discussed along with the national reform of EFL education by arranging the presentation of Courses of Study (Kurazumi & Saito, 2013; MEXT, 2017b, 2019a):
1. The 1998 version in the post-compulsory EFL and pre-Primary EFL period 2. The 2008 version in the post-compulsory EFL and post-Primary EFL period 3. The 2017 version in the post-compulsory EFL and post-Primary EFL period
What should be emphasised here is that there is a clear distinction between the pre-compulsory and the post-compulsory EFL periods concerning if learning EFL was perceived as conventional without any official consensus and real demands among the Japanese people, or not (Terasawa, 2010). Noticeably, within the context of globalisation as mentioned previously, a recent new trend has been emerging in Japan: the Japanese people are expected to be able to communicate in English directly with native English speakers as well as those who use English as a language for international communication (MEXT, 2014b; Ushioda, 2011).
Reflecting this societal trend, MEXT has been keen to reform EFL education in Japan in terms of developing the Japanese EFL learners’ language proficiency and communicative
As such, EFL education has long been implemented without any practical way to use it in Japanese society. In fact, it tended to lean towards more liberal-arts oriented approaches than the proficiency-oriented: its main aims were more associated with gaining cultural and international awareness and enhancing human development (ibid.). It can be said that these approaches have not been adaptable for letting them fundamentally comprehend reasons why they are required to develop English proficiency. It seems that too much emphasis has been put on EFL classroom purposes, rather than using English in the real world, which is obviously inconsistent with an English proficiency test such as TOEFL. As a result, Japanese people were disappointingly recognised as ‘not good’ at English in general, and EFL education was initially considered as unsuccessful by a large number of people (Morrow, 1987). Significantly, a paradigm shift in EFL teaching pedagogy is needed to put more emphasis on the societal reasons for developing EFL proficiency, which the reform of the English education (MEXT, 2003, 2014b, 2014c, 2015) seems to be currently attempting. This could be an important step in successfully reforming EFL education in Japan.
The placement of primary EFL in Japan
From the viewpoint of the macro level of Primary EFL, it is significant to note that Japan was one of the few countries which ‘also’ did not introduce compulsory EFL to the state primary sector until the year 2011 (MEXT, 2014; Rixon, 2013). Asian neighbours such as China, South Korea, and Taiwan had already implemented primary EFL by this point in time (Higuchi, 1997;
MEXT, 2014d). The main reasons were clarified with regard to difficulties in the implementation of Primary EFL as an individual subject in the state sector by Higuchi (1997):
Primary EFL as an overload of school subjects for pupils
First priority on developing Japanese as their native language
First priority on reforming Secondary EFL
These reasons had already been identified as early as 1992, when pilot projects to implement Primary EFL in the state primary sector were initially launched in three state primary schools with a contract lasting for three years. The number of schools selected for the experiment increased annually up to a total of 34 in the late 1990s. The location of those schools varied from the far north to the southern island in Japan.
Noticeably, pupils who experienced Primary EFL during this period were featured by their secondary EFL teachers in comparison with those who did not experience Primary EFL as in the following (Kitamura, 1997):
Pupils tend to show more positive attitudes towards an L2 and its culture.
Pupils tend to show more positive attitudes towards EFL.
Pupils tend to show more positive attitudes towards learning EFL and the EFL class.
Pupils tend to have greater ability to enlarge their English vocabulary and develop their listening skill.
Pupils tend to acquire a better accent and rhythm in English and be more competent in their speaking skill.
The effects of primary EFL have been longitudinally studied, not by testing primary pupils directly, but by collecting feedback given by the secondary EFL teachers, teaching the pupils who had gone through Primary EFL under the recent pilot scheme: the results indicate that it provides positive impacts on their L2 motivation (Kitamura, 1997).
With regard to the development of Primary EFL in the state sector in later decades, it will be discussed along with the national reform of EFL education by arranging the presentation of Courses of Study (Kurazumi & Saito, 2013; MEXT, 2017b, 2019a):
1. The 1998 version in the post-compulsory EFL and pre-Primary EFL period 2. The 2008 version in the post-compulsory EFL and post-Primary EFL period 3. The 2017 version in the post-compulsory EFL and post-Primary EFL period
What should be emphasised here is that there is a clear distinction between the pre-compulsory and the post-compulsory EFL periods concerning if learning EFL was perceived as conventional without any official consensus and real demands among the Japanese people, or not (Terasawa, 2010). Noticeably, within the context of globalisation as mentioned previously, a recent new trend has been emerging in Japan: the Japanese people are expected to be able to communicate in English directly with native English speakers as well as those who use English as a language for international communication (MEXT, 2014b; Ushioda, 2011).
Reflecting this societal trend, MEXT has been keen to reform EFL education in Japan in terms of developing the Japanese EFL learners’ language proficiency and communicative
competency (MEXT, 2003, 2014a, 2014b, 2014c, 2014d, 2017a). MEXT has recently proposed clear reasons for learning EFL to all the Japanese EFL learners by emphasising their basic needs for it within the Japanese context (MEXT, 2014b; Terasawa, 2010; Ushioda, 2011). They have officially specified criteria levels of English proficiency for Japanese EFL learners to achieve, which aims at their acquiring appropriate communicative competence in English (MEXT, 2003, 2014, 2014b, 2014c, 2015, 2017a).
In keeping with this, the 1998 version of Courses of Study (MEXT, 1998a) first introduced a proposal called ‘zest for life.’ Interestingly, in the literature of the motivational studies, this specific term is referred to as emphasising intrinsic aspects of learning motivation among pupils to form them as autonomous and self-motivated learners (Carreira, 2012; Carreira, Ozaki, &
Maeda, 2013; Oga-Baldwin, Nakata, Parker, & Ryan, 2017). Pupils were expected to acquire certain abilities such as problem-solving and critical thinking, which were thought to enrich both mental and physical aspects. It was considered as significant to set up such a proposal for responding to globalisation so that they could adjust themselves to the rapidly changing world, in whatever way was necessary (Kurazumi & Saito, 2013). This concept has also been associated with ‘cram-free education’ and criticised in a way that it belittles a knowledge-based quality in learning (Kurazumi & Saito, 2013). The focus is on the fact that this proposal has steadily been manifested as a core concept of Courses of Study through decades until the present 2017 version (MEXT, 2019a).
Accordingly, ‘zest for life’, the core concept of the overall educational quality, was interpreted in dealing with Primary EFL in a way that it would emphasise more intrinsic aspects of learning EFL among the Japanese primary EFL pupils (Carreira, 2006, 2012; Oga-Baldwin et al., 2017). This view indicates that, at the initial stage of their learning EFL, learners are expected to ‘like’ English to engage themselves with learning it. There was a strong emphasis on viewing EFL as an enjoyable experience and this was exemplified in the fact that there was no record on their academic achievement or evaluation so that they could be motivated intrinsically and feel secured without any pressure in learning EFL (MEXT, 2008b; Oga- Baldwin et al., 2017).
The majority of the state primary schools in Japan supported such a belief, which has prevailed in their EFL classes since then (Kitamura, 1997; MEXT, 2001, 2003, 2008b, 2014a, 2014b, 2015, 2017e). Thus, the aims and objectives of Primary EFL were mainly associated with encouraging primary pupils’ positive attitudes towards English (Oga-Baldwin et al., 2017).
As a result, it has recently been estimated that approximately 70% of primary EFL pupils have
shown their preference for English and their positive attitudes towards learning it (MEXT, 2014a, 2017g).
Simultaneously, EFL eventually became a compulsory subject in the compulsory secondary sector in 2002 as previously mentioned, and in 2003, MEXT presented its roadmap to reform EFL education in Japan. It has been known as ‘an action plan to cultivate 'Japanese with English abilities'’ (MEXT, 2003) and aims to innovate related EFL educational domains at different levels such as pedagogical approaches, teacher training, entrance examination, and so on. In this sense, Primary EFL for the third to sixth formers became realistic and gradually gained public recognition in Japan at that time. MEXT started advocating their prospects and crucial concepts of Primary EFL in Japan and outlined the basic need for EFL education as early as the primary sector. This trend coincided with a massive increase in interest within Japanese society, which is feeling the effects of globalisation. Furthermore, among 50-80% of all EFL teaching personnel at every level of education has consistently made noticeable complaints on EFL education in Japan (Koike, 1997).
However, EFL was still not yet considered as an individual subject worthy of thorough study in state primary schools. This tendency shows a clear difference from the feelings in the private sector at that time (Higuchi, 1997): less than 20% of state primary schools considered EFL learning as an individual subject, while more than 60% of private primary schools endorsed the same idea. Indeed, nearly 70% of the state primary schools supported an alternative idea that studying EFL would be better implemented in a way that where it could be integrated with different disciplines, such as international awareness.
Primary EFL in the state sector was initially implemented based on different types of guiding criteria, although it did not officially regulate any pedagogical approaches, the content, or academic criteria (Kurazumi & Saito, 2013; MEXT, 2001). It had no particular objectives in the way that it only dealt with opportunities of obtaining communication in EFL and appreciating foreign culture and lifestyle, without no specific linguistic skills or communicative competence to achieve (Higuchi, 1997). It is perceived differently from Secondary EFL in that it is considered more formal: it is generally implemented in certain language teaching styles such as
‘Sensitization’ and ‘Language across the curriculum’ (MEXT, 2001; Rixon, 1992, 1999, 2013).
‘Sensitization’ has been widely recognised as providing the initial experience of learning an L2 with young L2 learners; is suitable to undertake before they start formal L2 learning at any further educational stages, and this approach has cultivated primary L2 pupils’ cognitive and affective awareness of an L2 and L2 learning. In its implementation, listening and speaking
competency (MEXT, 2003, 2014a, 2014b, 2014c, 2014d, 2017a). MEXT has recently proposed clear reasons for learning EFL to all the Japanese EFL learners by emphasising their basic needs for it within the Japanese context (MEXT, 2014b; Terasawa, 2010; Ushioda, 2011). They have officially specified criteria levels of English proficiency for Japanese EFL learners to achieve, which aims at their acquiring appropriate communicative competence in English (MEXT, 2003, 2014, 2014b, 2014c, 2015, 2017a).
In keeping with this, the 1998 version of Courses of Study (MEXT, 1998a) first introduced a proposal called ‘zest for life.’ Interestingly, in the literature of the motivational studies, this specific term is referred to as emphasising intrinsic aspects of learning motivation among pupils to form them as autonomous and self-motivated learners (Carreira, 2012; Carreira, Ozaki, &
Maeda, 2013; Oga-Baldwin, Nakata, Parker, & Ryan, 2017). Pupils were expected to acquire certain abilities such as problem-solving and critical thinking, which were thought to enrich both mental and physical aspects. It was considered as significant to set up such a proposal for responding to globalisation so that they could adjust themselves to the rapidly changing world, in whatever way was necessary (Kurazumi & Saito, 2013). This concept has also been associated with ‘cram-free education’ and criticised in a way that it belittles a knowledge-based quality in learning (Kurazumi & Saito, 2013). The focus is on the fact that this proposal has steadily been manifested as a core concept of Courses of Study through decades until the present 2017 version (MEXT, 2019a).
Accordingly, ‘zest for life’, the core concept of the overall educational quality, was interpreted in dealing with Primary EFL in a way that it would emphasise more intrinsic aspects of learning EFL among the Japanese primary EFL pupils (Carreira, 2006, 2012; Oga-Baldwin et al., 2017). This view indicates that, at the initial stage of their learning EFL, learners are expected to ‘like’ English to engage themselves with learning it. There was a strong emphasis on viewing EFL as an enjoyable experience and this was exemplified in the fact that there was no record on their academic achievement or evaluation so that they could be motivated intrinsically and feel secured without any pressure in learning EFL (MEXT, 2008b; Oga- Baldwin et al., 2017).
The majority of the state primary schools in Japan supported such a belief, which has prevailed in their EFL classes since then (Kitamura, 1997; MEXT, 2001, 2003, 2008b, 2014a, 2014b, 2015, 2017e). Thus, the aims and objectives of Primary EFL were mainly associated with encouraging primary pupils’ positive attitudes towards English (Oga-Baldwin et al., 2017).
As a result, it has recently been estimated that approximately 70% of primary EFL pupils have
shown their preference for English and their positive attitudes towards learning it (MEXT, 2014a, 2017g).
Simultaneously, EFL eventually became a compulsory subject in the compulsory secondary sector in 2002 as previously mentioned, and in 2003, MEXT presented its roadmap to reform EFL education in Japan. It has been known as ‘an action plan to cultivate 'Japanese with English abilities'’ (MEXT, 2003) and aims to innovate related EFL educational domains at different levels such as pedagogical approaches, teacher training, entrance examination, and so on. In this sense, Primary EFL for the third to sixth formers became realistic and gradually gained public recognition in Japan at that time. MEXT started advocating their prospects and crucial concepts of Primary EFL in Japan and outlined the basic need for EFL education as early as the primary sector. This trend coincided with a massive increase in interest within Japanese society, which is feeling the effects of globalisation. Furthermore, among 50-80% of all EFL teaching personnel at every level of education has consistently made noticeable complaints on EFL education in Japan (Koike, 1997).
However, EFL was still not yet considered as an individual subject worthy of thorough study in state primary schools. This tendency shows a clear difference from the feelings in the private sector at that time (Higuchi, 1997): less than 20% of state primary schools considered EFL learning as an individual subject, while more than 60% of private primary schools endorsed the same idea. Indeed, nearly 70% of the state primary schools supported an alternative idea that studying EFL would be better implemented in a way that where it could be integrated with different disciplines, such as international awareness.
Primary EFL in the state sector was initially implemented based on different types of guiding criteria, although it did not officially regulate any pedagogical approaches, the content, or academic criteria (Kurazumi & Saito, 2013; MEXT, 2001). It had no particular objectives in the way that it only dealt with opportunities of obtaining communication in EFL and appreciating foreign culture and lifestyle, without no specific linguistic skills or communicative competence to achieve (Higuchi, 1997). It is perceived differently from Secondary EFL in that it is considered more formal: it is generally implemented in certain language teaching styles such as
‘Sensitization’ and ‘Language across the curriculum’ (MEXT, 2001; Rixon, 1992, 1999, 2013).
‘Sensitization’ has been widely recognised as providing the initial experience of learning an L2 with young L2 learners; is suitable to undertake before they start formal L2 learning at any further educational stages, and this approach has cultivated primary L2 pupils’ cognitive and affective awareness of an L2 and L2 learning. In its implementation, listening and speaking
skills are much more emphasised: many English songs and games are used to encourage good rhythm and accents in English, and idioms and phrases are taught to promote authentic communication in English.
The concept of ‘Language across the curriculum’ has been variously implemented in different countries (Rixon, 1992); learning an L2 is broadly integrated with other subject domains such as a science project, survey work, and so on. Teaching materials vary as well, and some of them are closely linked with another subject in the primary L2 pupils learn at certain levels. This approach is currently termed CLIL (Content and Language Integrated Learning) (Dale & Tanner, 2012). Teaching personnel also varied as in the following:
HRT: Homeroom teacher who is a primary school teacher
JTE: Japanese teacher of English
ALT: Assistant language teacher who is a native speaker of English
The EFL class was generally team-taught by those teachers: HRT and JTE, or HRT and ALT.
As a whole, there were variations of Primary EFL in the state sector such as the starting age, the number of EFL classes per week, teaching materials and teaching personnel.
Referring to the next 2008 version of Courses of Study (MEXT, 2008), MEXT drastically took a shift of its educational orientations back towards more knowledge-based methods, in response to massive criticisms on what was valued during the previous phases, namely, the concept of ‘cram-free education’ (Kurazumi & Saito, 2013). In a sense, this reform helped EFL education in Japan to the effect that Primary EFL eventually appeared officially on the track of compulsory education in 2011 for the last two forms (P5s aged 10-11 and P6s aged 11-12) of the state primary sector. However, it is still not officially perceived as a compulsory subject:
significantly, Japan is one of the few countries which still does not have a formal evaluation system to examine pupils’ achievement in learning EFL (MEXT 2014a, 2014b, 2015). The EFL class is not called ‘English’, but ‘Foreign Language Activities’ as a loophole to avoid an evaluation process which requires EFL to be taught thoroughly to achieve certain grading criteria.
Consistently, the present version of Courses of Study emphasises the following six proposals to make more progress with its previous versions and these proposals commonly appear both at the primary and secondary levels (MEXT, 2017a, 2017b, 2018):
To emphasise introducing language activities such as recording, explaining, criticising, commenting, etc.
To emphasise science and math education
To emphasise appreciating cultures and traditions both domestic and overseas
To emphasise ethics education
To emphasise active learning through extracurricular activities, internship programmes, etc.
To emphasise foreign language (English) education
They are associated with different types of aims and objectives to achieve the education reform in Japan, such as ‘GOAL 2020’ (MEXT, 2014a; 2014b; 2015).
Primary EFL in the state sector is currently more communicative competency-oriented and will reach a new phase in 2020 (MEXT, 2017g): EFL will be taught as a compulsory ‘English’
subject under the proper evaluation system for the last two forms (P5s aged 10-11 and P6s aged 11-12). Moreover, ‘Foreign Language Activities’ class will start from the lower form of P3s (aged 8 and 9) (MEXT, 2014a; 2014b; 2015). It seems that EFL education nowadays seems to be functioning satisfactorily, with a good match between the administrative and societal realities which influence the development of English proficiency.
Educational implication
EFL education has still been under severe criticisms in much the same way as it was criticised previously (Seargeant, 2009). Japanese EFL learners are still struggling with acquiring appropriate language proficiency (MEXT, 2014, 2017g). Especially in secondary EFL, the number of pupils who reach a satisfactory level in language proficiency is still only an estimated 30-35%. Although pedagogical settings seem to be relatively better-facilitated nowadays than in the past (Butler & Iino, 2005), EFL education is still clearly unsatisfactory from the viewpoint of the administrative and societal realities in Japan. What is important to note here is that EFL education based on the core concept relating to ‘zest for life’ during the post-compulsory EFL periods is hitherto unsuccessful in achieving a desirable level of English proficiency in Japanese EFL learners. It has been reported that intrinsic aspects of primary EFL pupils have been steadily decreasing as they get older (MEXT, 2017g). This tendency indicates that they have been engaged with learning EFL as an ‘enjoyable’ experience, or as just for ‘fun’ until they get bored.
This situation is an example of their intrinsic motivation to learn EFL eventually decreasing
skills are much more emphasised: many English songs and games are used to encourage good rhythm and accents in English, and idioms and phrases are taught to promote authentic communication in English.
The concept of ‘Language across the curriculum’ has been variously implemented in different countries (Rixon, 1992); learning an L2 is broadly integrated with other subject domains such as a science project, survey work, and so on. Teaching materials vary as well, and some of them are closely linked with another subject in the primary L2 pupils learn at certain levels. This approach is currently termed CLIL (Content and Language Integrated Learning) (Dale & Tanner, 2012). Teaching personnel also varied as in the following:
HRT: Homeroom teacher who is a primary school teacher
JTE: Japanese teacher of English
ALT: Assistant language teacher who is a native speaker of English
The EFL class was generally team-taught by those teachers: HRT and JTE, or HRT and ALT.
As a whole, there were variations of Primary EFL in the state sector such as the starting age, the number of EFL classes per week, teaching materials and teaching personnel.
Referring to the next 2008 version of Courses of Study (MEXT, 2008), MEXT drastically took a shift of its educational orientations back towards more knowledge-based methods, in response to massive criticisms on what was valued during the previous phases, namely, the concept of ‘cram-free education’ (Kurazumi & Saito, 2013). In a sense, this reform helped EFL education in Japan to the effect that Primary EFL eventually appeared officially on the track of compulsory education in 2011 for the last two forms (P5s aged 10-11 and P6s aged 11-12) of the state primary sector. However, it is still not officially perceived as a compulsory subject:
significantly, Japan is one of the few countries which still does not have a formal evaluation system to examine pupils’ achievement in learning EFL (MEXT 2014a, 2014b, 2015). The EFL class is not called ‘English’, but ‘Foreign Language Activities’ as a loophole to avoid an evaluation process which requires EFL to be taught thoroughly to achieve certain grading criteria.
Consistently, the present version of Courses of Study emphasises the following six proposals to make more progress with its previous versions and these proposals commonly appear both at the primary and secondary levels (MEXT, 2017a, 2017b, 2018):
To emphasise introducing language activities such as recording, explaining, criticising, commenting, etc.
To emphasise science and math education
To emphasise appreciating cultures and traditions both domestic and overseas
To emphasise ethics education
To emphasise active learning through extracurricular activities, internship programmes, etc.
To emphasise foreign language (English) education
They are associated with different types of aims and objectives to achieve the education reform in Japan, such as ‘GOAL 2020’ (MEXT, 2014a; 2014b; 2015).
Primary EFL in the state sector is currently more communicative competency-oriented and will reach a new phase in 2020 (MEXT, 2017g): EFL will be taught as a compulsory ‘English’
subject under the proper evaluation system for the last two forms (P5s aged 10-11 and P6s aged 11-12). Moreover, ‘Foreign Language Activities’ class will start from the lower form of P3s (aged 8 and 9) (MEXT, 2014a; 2014b; 2015). It seems that EFL education nowadays seems to be functioning satisfactorily, with a good match between the administrative and societal realities which influence the development of English proficiency.
Educational implication
EFL education has still been under severe criticisms in much the same way as it was criticised previously (Seargeant, 2009). Japanese EFL learners are still struggling with acquiring appropriate language proficiency (MEXT, 2014, 2017g). Especially in secondary EFL, the number of pupils who reach a satisfactory level in language proficiency is still only an estimated 30-35%. Although pedagogical settings seem to be relatively better-facilitated nowadays than in the past (Butler & Iino, 2005), EFL education is still clearly unsatisfactory from the viewpoint of the administrative and societal realities in Japan. What is important to note here is that EFL education based on the core concept relating to ‘zest for life’ during the post-compulsory EFL periods is hitherto unsuccessful in achieving a desirable level of English proficiency in Japanese EFL learners. It has been reported that intrinsic aspects of primary EFL pupils have been steadily decreasing as they get older (MEXT, 2017g). This tendency indicates that they have been engaged with learning EFL as an ‘enjoyable’ experience, or as just for ‘fun’ until they get bored.
This situation is an example of their intrinsic motivation to learn EFL eventually decreasing
without any methods to compliment the tendency such as presenting their guiding criteria about their achievement in learning it.
This overarching educational concept has been excessively applied to EFL education in Japan during the post-compulsory EFL periods. As previously mentioned, it has been implemented with too much emphasis on intrinsic aspects of the Japanese EFL learners to make them engaged with their EFL learning (Carreira, 2012; Carreira et al., 2013; Oga-Baldwin et al., 2017). Such a perception could be shared with secondary Japanese EFL learners: they seem to have had a desire to acquire more practical skills in English when they were learning EFL in primary schools. The deficiency of making progress with English proficiency in Primary EFL is useful in evaluating their experience of learning EFL in primary schools (MEXT, 2017g).
This result is identified simply because focusing on the aims and objectives on specific criteria in language proficiency was initially relegated to the second position in Primary EFL, without any evaluation systems based on the formative or summative assessment. Too much attention has been paid on the intrinsic aspects of learning EFL as for Primary EFL pedagogical approaches. This tendency logically correlates with what has been pointed out in the previous section as controversial as for EFL education in Japan, which has been leaning far more towards EFL classroom purposes rather than the societal demands for developing EFL proficiency.
These types of EFL pedagogical approaches will have to be reconsidered for the further development of Primary EFL in Japan. As a result, there has been less attention on what is in a real sense has been ‘imposed’ on primary EFL pupils learning EFL as a compulsory subject.
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Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology. (MEXT). (1998).
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Shougakkou eigokatsudou jissen no tebiki [Practical handbook for elementary school English activities]. Tokyo, Japan: Kairyudo Publishing. Retrieved from
http://www.amazon.co.jp/
小学校英語活動実践の手引
-文部科学省
/dp/4304040782 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology. (MEXT). (2003). “Eigoga tsukaeru nihonjin” no ikusei no tameno koudou keikaku [An action plan to cultivate ‘Japanese with English abilities’]. Retrieved from
http://www.mext.go.jp/b_menu/shingi/chukyo/chukyo3/004/siryo/04031601/005.pdf Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology. (MEXT). (2008a).
Courses of Study. Retrieved from http://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/shotou/new- cs/youryou/1356249.htm
Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology. (MEXT). (2008b). The Courses of Study guidelines: Foreign language activities. Retrieved from
http://www.mext.go.jp/a_ menu/shotou/gaikokugo/kanren/index.htm
Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology. (MEXT). (2014a).
Gaikokugo katsudou no genjou, seika, kadai [Foreign language activities: Current situations, outcomes and challenges] (3 No. 3(2)). Tokyo, Japan. Retrieved from
without any methods to compliment the tendency such as presenting their guiding criteria about their achievement in learning it.
This overarching educational concept has been excessively applied to EFL education in Japan during the post-compulsory EFL periods. As previously mentioned, it has been implemented with too much emphasis on intrinsic aspects of the Japanese EFL learners to make them engaged with their EFL learning (Carreira, 2012; Carreira et al., 2013; Oga-Baldwin et al., 2017). Such a perception could be shared with secondary Japanese EFL learners: they seem to have had a desire to acquire more practical skills in English when they were learning EFL in primary schools. The deficiency of making progress with English proficiency in Primary EFL is useful in evaluating their experience of learning EFL in primary schools (MEXT, 2017g).
This result is identified simply because focusing on the aims and objectives on specific criteria in language proficiency was initially relegated to the second position in Primary EFL, without any evaluation systems based on the formative or summative assessment. Too much attention has been paid on the intrinsic aspects of learning EFL as for Primary EFL pedagogical approaches. This tendency logically correlates with what has been pointed out in the previous section as controversial as for EFL education in Japan, which has been leaning far more towards EFL classroom purposes rather than the societal demands for developing EFL proficiency.
These types of EFL pedagogical approaches will have to be reconsidered for the further development of Primary EFL in Japan. As a result, there has been less attention on what is in a real sense has been ‘imposed’ on primary EFL pupils learning EFL as a compulsory subject.
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Framing Same-sex Marriage in Japan1
Diana Khor Faculty of Global and Interdisciplinary Studies, Hosei University
Abstract
This research note reports the first analysis of how same-sex marriage is framed by stakeholders in Japan, in a larger Japan-Hong Kong comparative project examining how same-sex partnership is advocated or resisted, what the implications are for the heteronormative institution of the marriage and the family, and how same-sex couples negotiate marriage and family norms in their everyday life. The analysis shows that whether arguing for or against same-sex marriage, the state as well as civil society reinforce homonationalistic discourses, albeit in a slightly different manner than observed in the West. Further, there is a tendency for advocates of same-sex marriage to construct marriage as the essence of human existence, leaving little room for a critical examination of a gendered and unequal institution, at least as it is practiced in today’s Japan. All this provides some preliminary support for the claim that the legalization of same-sex marriage might indeed reinforce rather than undermine heteronormativity.
Keywords: same-sex partnership, homonationalism, heteronormativity, Asia, queer kinship
Same-sex marriage has gained much visibility in the past few years, especially after its recent legalization in Europe and the Americas in nations with strong anti-homosexuality religious traditions. The ruling of the unconstitutionality of the prohibition of same-sex marriage in Taiwan in 2017 and the subsequent legalization of same-sex marriage in 2019 have opened up the possibility of a similar trend in Asia. Despite that the Japanese government has remained resilient to any changes and has sought even to revive a multi- generation (heterosexual) family model through its proposed constitutional amendment to Article 24 (Liberal Democratic Party, 2008; Sugiura, 2013), the municipal governments have moved ahead with various forms of same-sex partnership registration, and NGOs and legal practitioners in Japan are preparing to battle the issue in the legal realm (Sugihara, 2018).
1 JSPS Grant-in-aid for Scientific Research (19H1571), Same-sex partnership in Hong Kong and Japan:
Where family studies meet queer studies. Principal investigator: Diana Khor, Co-investigator: Saori Kamano; Research collaborators: Yuusuke Kamiya, Denise T.S. Tang.
