序――インドネシア政治をどう考えるか [Managing Social Divisions in Indonesia New Perspectives on Indonesian Politics]
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(3) . . ῌ. Special Issue: New Perspectives on Indonesian Politics Managing Social Divisions in Indonesia S=>G6>H=> Takashi*. Whether authoritarian or democratic, the Indonesian state, which administers a population with different languages, ethnicities, religions, cultures, and histories, is continually confronted with the task and challenge of managing problems arising from divisions embedded in Indonesian society. This paper identifies four such major divisions centerperiphery, ethnic, religious, and class and examines how these social divisions are being managed under the current decentralized democratic regime in comparison with Soeharto’s centralized authoritarian regime. The paper argues that Soeharto fashioned his New Order regime with the state as his power base and the army as its backbone. Military officers occupied strategic positions in the civilian arm of the state as district chiefs, mayors, provincial governors, secretaries general, and ministers in the name of dual functions. Soeharto imposed his “national consensus” of Panca Sila Democracy on the Indonesian populace and banned all public discourses on religion, ethnicity, and class, while addressing the question of class divisions through a politics of stability and economic development that sought to transform political issues into problems of output and to neutralize class conflict in favor of a consensus on growth in an authoritarian manner; all of these were premised on the “virtue” of political stability leading to economic development leading in turn to rising living standards and further political stability. Under the current regime, these divisions can no longer be contained and are managed in an open, decentralized way. Social divisions, above all religious, now constitute a cornerstone of local as well as national party politics. Ethnic politics are a crucial factor in the distribution of resources and positions in decentralized Indonesia. And in class terms, state powers and resources that have been devolved from the central government to the districts and cities are being captured by “local” men of middle-class backgrounds. In this sense democratic politics has worked to the advantage of Indonesia’s middle classes, although they are divided amongst themselves along religious and ethnic lines. The long-term hegemony of the middle classes, however, depends on sustained economic growth, particularly the state’s ability to create employment for millions of new entrants into the labor market. Keywords: Indonesia, ethnicity, class, center-local, religion, decentralization, democracy, middle class, Islam ῍ῌ῏ῌ῎῏ ! "#$ %&! '(! )*+,! -.! +,/0! 1223! )4 '(! #56 ῌ.
(4) 789:;<:;= National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, ῒ῎῎῎῎῍ Roppongi, Minatoku, Tokyo ῍ῌῑ῎ΐῑῒῒ, Japan e-mail: siraisi>grips.ac.jp 3.
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(141) ῍῍ !"#$%& ῍῍. '. (. )ῌ. The Yudhoyono Presidency in the Second Phase of the Democratic Transition: Political Sector Reform, Post-Conflict Recovery, and Local Elections HDCC6 Jun*. The birth of the Yudhoyono presidency in October ῎ῌῌῐ was a significant moment in Indonesia’s political history. As the first national leader directly elected by popular voting, Yudhoyono has unprecedented political legitimacy and has been expected to implement various programs for democratic consolidation. What is the nature of this presidency and what are the major political challenges for his leadership ? This essay attempts to clarify these issues by examining political developments during the last two years. It illustrates how the Yudhoyono administration differs in two respects from the three previous governments led by Habibie, Megawati, and Wahid: first, in the popular mandate given to Yudhoyono as the winner of direct presidential elections; and second, in the power shift in the parliament since ῍ which has ended the virtual dominance of Megawati’s PDI-P party. Given these characteristics, the political environment of Yudhoyono’s administration favors a breakthrough in democratic consolidation, and this essay argues that Yudhoyono’s expected role is to transform the status of democracy from the first to the second phase. Several problems that emerged in the first phase of democratic change, such as widening corruption, ineffective civilian control of the military, and the rise of bossism in local politics, were largely byproducts of institutional reforms conducted by previous presidencies in their attempts to eliminate Suharto’s authoritarian polity. The historically expected role of a national leader in the age of direct presidential election is to mobilize the political capital generated by his or her popular mandate to remove these byproducts* which may derail democracy*and to consolidate the political system free from the legacy of the Suharto era. It is still too early to fully evaluate whether Yudhoyono will achieve this historical role, but this essay tries to assess the mid-term progress +if any, by investigating government performance in three issue-areas, namely political sector reform, post-conflict recovery, and elections of local heads. Despite many good signs of change and breakthrough from the past, a dilemma is increasingly visible between Yudhoyono’s popular mandate and the demands of realpolitik compromise, and this may shadow the long-run prospects of second phase agendas. Keywords: Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, democratization, political reform, elections, local conflicts -.῏/
(142) / / !"/ 01. ῌ. 12. 234567895:; Faculty of International Relations, Ritsumeikan University, ῑῒ῎῍ Kitamachi, Toji-in, Kita-ku, Kyoto, ῒῌ῏῎ῑΐΐ, Japan e-mail: jht ῎ῌῌ῍ῒ <ir.ritsumei.ac.jp.
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(144) ῎ῌῌῐ ῍ῌ Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
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