Origin, Distribution and Role of the Kaito Phenomenon in the Settlement of Japan (Part two of two)
著者 Kikuchi Ichiro, Kakiuchi George H.
journal or
publication title
奈良教育大学紀要. 人文・社会科学
volume 21
number 1
page range 83‑92
year 1972‑11‑15
URL http://hdl.handle.net/10105/2815
83
Origin, Distribution and Role of the Kaito Phenomenon in the Settlement of Japan*
(Part two of two)
Ichiro Kikuchi
Department of Geography, Nara University of Education
George H. Kakiuchi
Department of Geography, University of Washington
Some Thoughts on the Origin of the Kaito
In the evolution of the kaito phenomenon to the form of settlement, it is generally believed that it originated as a small unit of land set apart for reclamation by an individual {kojin-kaito). Then as other similar units came to be established nearby, there formed the neighborhood kaito (rinpo-kaito). Finally, the rinpo-kaito or the dozoku-kaito expanded into a larger settlement, the buraku-kaito. Three reasons have been proposed to justify this evolutionary process. The first is that within the area of some kaito buraku there still can be observed the rinpo-kaito
and the kojin-kaito. Secondly, there are buraku-kaito today which have names of
individuals or occupations preceding the term kaito. Thirdly, even in those buraku which are not called kaito, there are rinpo-kaito and kojin-kaito."
One interpretation of the evolutionary process states that as the land set apart in some way for reclamation was being developed, a small shed-like temporary structure (jtaya) (|33g) came to be built. Such examples can still be found in the
Kumano area of Wakayama prefecture and elsewhere. Eventually the taya was
replaced by a permanent residence. The unit of cultivated land, the residence,
and associated forestland formed the kojin-kaito. This unit may have been sur-
rounded by some kind of simple enclosure, but more likely was set apart in some way by boundary markers of some kind." The foregoing description seems to fit the kakitsu (or kakiuchi) mentioned in the Manyoshu.
Next as other lands were cleared in adjacent areas and more houses were built,
centered on the first house, the settlement or the community took on more
significance. This then became the rinpo-kaito or the buraku-kaito. Once the
name kaito came to focus on a small settlement, then it came to be associated with
certain communal ownership, such as the forestlands and grasslands, and group
activities. Still later, branch or new settlements seem to have been established from the older kaito buraku as there are settlements referred to as de-gaito (f±iM F*3) ("branch" kaito). Such cases are not uncommon in the Nara basin."
In the attempts to get at the original form and characteristics of the kaito, the
isolated Kumano mountain area of Wakayama prefecture appears to be one of the
more promising regions for study. In fact, a fairly detailed study of the kaito
has been made of Chikano and Tomisato-mura. In both of these villages, many of
the kaito are found on the less desirable agricultural land such as the river
terraces and the foot of the mountains." The location of the kaito on the less
desirable lands seems to be a common characteristic seen in other regions of
Japan and is an interesting observation for speculation.
One of the aims was to try to determine the original size of the kojin-kaito. In Chikano-mura, of the fourteen kaito units, only two (Naka-kaito had seven houses and Baba-kaito Gil^Sf*!) had four houses) had more than one house. In Tomisato- mura ((§Mt^)> fourout often had two or more houses. Assuming these kaito units are close to the original size, then it is seen that the sizes were relatively small.
In Chikano-mura (fiUfcf), the cultivated area of each unit ranged from about four tan to eight tan. In addition each usually had a limited acreage of additional grassland and mountain forestland. In Tomisato-mura the smallest unit had about
five tan and the largest about two cho (1 cAo=2.45acres). The average was about
one cho. Again in addition to the cultivated lands, each kaito had some forestland.
Part of the reason for the difference in acreage was undoubtedly due to the nature
of the topography and productivity of the land. Reflecting these differences in
quality of the land, the size of the original kojin-kaito probably ranged from
four to ten tan of cultivated land and had in addition some grasslands and
forestlands. It is presumed these acreages were sufficient to support one family in those days.
It is difficult to generalize about the original size of the kojin-kaito from only the
examples found in the Kumano area, especially as a great number of them are
located in narrow valleys, and therefore topographic factors may have influenced
the size. Thus, although it is rather difficult today to find other examples, a
few more can be given. In Okawase CfcllliS), Ai-mura (H^if) of Arima-gun (^iffUS) in Hyogo prefecture, the Okamoto-kaito (pSj^fill*}) had about one cho and nine tan of paddy fields." In Takashima-gun CjBJilSIS) of Shiga prefecture, the sizes of the
kojin-kaito averaged about one cho. However there are some which are small as
one tan.1" The koaza of Kakiuchi in Fuke-mura (HH^^) of Kami-gun in Kochi
prefecture had about one chb of cultivated land, and again Aza Kakigauchi (ffji-SrF'i) of Iwa-mura (SW in the same gun had one cho of paddy field."1
Records written during the Middle Ages have given clues also to the size of the original kojin-kaito. For example, the records of Nitta-gun (0fE3§(5) in Gunma
Origin, Distribution and Role of the Kaito Phenomenon
in the Settlement of Japan (Kikuchi. Kakiuchi) 85
prefecture show, in the cases where a person's name is attached to the term
kakiuchi, the smallest kaito had an area of seven tan and the largest one had an acreage of four cho and three tan."' Going back slightly farther into history, the literary records of the Heian (^pg?) period (794-1192) indicate the average kaito was about one cho.1" In general, then, it seems that the average size of the kojin-katio was about one cho or some-what smaller.
Some further interesting points have been ascertained from the records of the
Middle Ages and earlier. For instance, the names of the kojin-kaito had many
prefixes, but the most common ones were associated with direction, topographical
features, names of trees, names of the lords of manors, or the names of the
cultivators. These kaito were comprised usually of paddy fields, dry-field croplands
and wastelands, and they may or may not have any dwellings on them. When
the kojin-kaito were sold or bought, transactions were carried out without changing
the names or composition of the individual kaito. However, there were cases
where kaito units were abolished or where just the dry-field croplands were left
and continued to be called kaito. There were also instances where the income
from a kojin-kaito had been donated (kishiri)^^). Also, according to the records,
many of the kaito were established on the wastelands, giving credence to the
belief that the cultivator might have been given special privileges such as tax
exemptions or reduced taxes to encourage the expansion of cultivated land into the less desirable agricultural lands.1"
At this point, a brief review of the system of land ownership in rural Japan
during the early periods of history may help understand the role, origin and
evolution of the kaito phenomenon.
Prior to the Taika <ckit) Reform (645A.D.), the "be" (^5) or "tomo" (#) or occupational guilds had been the basic units of society, each with a chieftain wielding absolute control over the peoples and owning all their resources of land
and labor.1" Farming was done on a communal basis. However, evidence of
private ownership of land began to appear when individual farmers began to
reclaim land for themselves. In time the powers in control were to encourage land reclamation as the society and economy expanded and population numbers continued
to increase. By the beginning of the eighth century, private ownership and
reclamation of agricultural land had become important enough so that the central government began to issue rules and regulations. For example, during the Gensho
(7ClE) period (715-24), records show that a system known as the sanze isshin
konden OE-fff-å Jf'ilES) 'was in existence. Under this system if a farmer cleared a piece of land for cropping, it belonged to his family for three generations. Then sometime during the following Shomu (JMlSi) period (724-49), perpetual ownership was established. Although for a short time during the next Shotoku (f?FMD period
(764-70), reclamation for developing new farm lands was prohibited, in the
following Konin Qtfcfc.) period (770-81), reclamation was once again allowed by
individuals. Written evidence seems to indicate the term kaito came into use
sometime during the eighth century, associated in some way with the newly
cleared lands.1" It seems too the kaito of this time was a special kind of landholding possessed by a pioneer farmer (kusawake) who received certain special rights. It
is believed the kaito in the aforementioned context was closely related to the
myoden (^EH), which was also a form of private landholding in existence from
the middle of the Heian through the Muromachi (3IHX) periods.1" The general consensus of opinion is that the kaito throughout the areas of Japan in which they
are found came to be established as reclamation of new lands for cultivation was encouraged.
The kojin-kaito probably came into being from the early efforts of the kusawake.
The next step could have been the evolution of the dozoku-kaito, where a number
of families branched off from the honke. This dozoku-kaito may very well have
included the houses and families of the slaves (geniri) (~FA) an<3 the farm workers (sakuotoko) (fpJEj). Baba-kaito of Chikano-mura and O-gaito, Kuwabara-kaito, and Shintani-kaito of Tomisato-mura would be of this type. Many others can be cited
in the various parts of Japan. The so-called kaichi found in Yoshida-gum (llfEHilO
of Fukui prefecture are usually comprised of a consanguinal group and would be
included in the dozoku-kaito. Also, it is known in parts of Yoro-gun (§i^iif|$) in Gifu prefecture for the people to call families with the same surname as Mr. So-
and-So's kaito. In Takashima-gun of Shiga prefecture, the honke refers to the
bunke as its kaito lineage (kaito-suji). Examples of dozoku-kaito are quite numerous in the Kinki district and connote not only areal units but also very strong local socio-economic organizations. Lastly, to establish a linkage between the kojin-kaito and the dozoku-kaito, it is reported in Kato-gun in Hyogo prefecture and in Sennan- gun in Osaka prefecture the local kaito groups have deified the original kusawake by dedicating a shrine to that person and holding annual festivals.1"
Just as the dozoku-kaito evolved from the kojin-kaito, it can be assumed the
rinpo-kaito, comprised of a few households of unrelated families, evolved in the
same way. An example of this type is Naka-kaito of Chikano-mura, which had
only one household until the beginning of the Meiji (Win) period but now
has seven unrelated households. Also Oaza Tsubara of Nishi Katsuragi-mura in
Sennan-gun (jjlfH) (Osaka prefecture) is divided into seven parts, and although four of them have personal names attached, today they are all rinpo-kaito. There are numerous other examples, where it can be presumed the so-called neighborhood kaito evolved from the kojin-kaito. However, it must not be assumed all rinpo- kaito or others comprised of more than one household originated in this way, for as in the cases in the development of new paddy fields (shinderi) (§fE3) of the Kinsei (ffittt) period (1600-1867), many are thought to have been developed by a number
Origin, Distribution and Role of the Kaito Phenomenon
in the Settlement of Japan (Kikuchi. Kakiuchi) 87
of households under the leadership of powerful families or by groups of cooperating families. For example, in Kawadaka (?BJ^) of Takino-machi (?§H?HX) in Kato-gun (jRiKitB) (Hyogo prefecture), there is a kaito called Goken-gachi (iff#*?å ), which is composed of twenty households and is a local grouping similar to a kumi. It is said the settlement was established by five persons, Isaemon (IfrSilifPI), Shinbei (§f
£M), Yoshichi (#-fc), Kyubei (%.gM), and Gorobei (SSI^ffi), and it is for this reason the settlement came to be named Goken-gachi (five-house gachi).1"
Then, going one evolutionary step forward, it is assumed the aforementioned two
could have expanded into the buraku-kaito, which were often equivalent to the
kumi in size and function. Apart from kaito communities there are those which
are only place names and those where a settlement collectively became a buraku- kaito by the amalgamation of a number of smaller kaito units.1" Many such examples are found in the Nara basin.
The most often-cited buraku-kaito and the best examples are found in the Nara basin. These buraku-kaito were rectangular in shape and evidently were surrounded by moats (Fig.4). Some settlements still have retained the moats (footnote 2). It
has been claimed the rectangular shape of the moat-surrounded settlements was
copied after the walled villages of North China.1" It has also been argued that the
shape was due to the implementation of the rectangular-patterned jori system of
land division after the 7th century, and that the existence of the moats was for the defense of the settlement.ll' Still another argument is that the moats came to be as an adjustment to the local physical environment, namely as an innovation to overcome the wet conditions. The argument states that: (1) the dirt from the
moat was used to raise the land of the settlement proper, (2) the moats were
used for drainage during the wet seasons and for irrigation during the dry seasons, and (3) the moats were used for the storage of water to fight fires in the village.1"
It is interesting to note that in respect to the distribution of the kaito settlements intheNara basin a good number of them are found in the lower-lying areas of the basin (Fig. 3). One viewpoint explains this particular distribution by associating
it with a period of time, namely, the Japanese Middle Ages, when much of the
better lands had already been reclaimed and also the society had reached the level, in terms of technology and social organization, where the more difficult to reclaim lands, such as swampy and low-lying areas, could be brought under cultivation.1"
It is to be noted that with the beginning of early Japanese feudalism (late Heian
and Kamakura periods) in the Middle Ages, the shoen (manorial) system of land
ownership became increasingly important, with men of power and prestige, both
at the Imperial Court and in the provinces, in control of the land, replacing the Imperial handen-shuju (EffilKfiD system. Under the handen-shuju, all cultivated land had theoretically been allotted to the farmers according to size of the family and was periodically redistributed. But by the tenth century it had already begun
to collapse, and by the twelfth century the system had lost its effectiveness completely. The development of the shden, too, seemed to have been an outgrowth of, or least was first associated with, the reclamation of new lands, especially paddy lands, and in this respect the historical timing of the establishment of the shoen and the kaito, although not identical, seem closely related (see footnote for further clarification).1"
Not all kaito phenomena can be explained as parts of the evolutionary process
from the kojin-kaito through to the buraku-kaito. Thus another path must be
taken to account for the remaining types. The most plausible explanation seems
to be that some are remnants of the kojin-kaito, which originally consisted of the yashiki, cultivated lands, forestlands, and in certain cases wastelands.
It is thought the establishment of the yashiki as one kind of kaito phenomena came fairly early in the process of change. Just as in the cases where the focus came to be placed on the buraku, so, too, in the cases of the "yashiki"-kaito the focus came to be on the dwellings and the land associated with it or the yashiki.
Evidence for the latter assumptions is seen on the plains area of Minami Kawachi (ffiMF*3) in Osaka prefecture, where the local people speak of certain former sites of yashiki as kaito-chi (jtaF*3it6) {kaito land). More direct evidence is found in the northern mountains of the same area where the yashiki is actually called kaichi.
The same is true in Shiriuchi near the city of Hachinoe (A^) in Aomori prefecture, except the term used is kakuchi, and in parts of Tokushima prefecture on Shikoku the yashiki is called kakiuchi.'" Many of these yashiki are surrounded by rows of trees or hedges, and the question which rises in my mind is whether the term
kakiuchi may not have evolved as a descriptive word, unrelated to the kaito
phenomenon.
Studies of the records of the Middle Ages reveal the yashiki-kaito to have existed by that time. For example, the local village records of the Koyasan fief often cited
the kaito to consist of a house and lot, and a person's name was attached to
the term. The average size of such a yashiki was about 200 tsubo (j5p) (1 tsubo equals 3-95 square yards).117 The records of the settlement of Yamato-Wakatsuki C^nSfil) in the Nara basin, written during Tokuji (@f£) period (1306-07), indicate a similar situation, but the area of the yashiki averaged about 300 tsubo.1"
From the yashiki-kaito, there could have been further fragmentation, for cases exist where only certain parts of the yashiki are called kaito, such as the house itself (in the case of yago), the open yard in the front or back of the house, the small garden, the cemetery, etc. Some examples can be given. The open yard in front of
the house is called kaido in the area of Mikkabi-machi of Inasa-gun (Shizuoka
prefecture), kairo in the northern part of Sado Island, and kaito in the Ikeda area of Osaka prefecture, whereas from Echigo to the Tohoku district, the backyard is
referred to as kakuchi. Then, too, in the Ikeda area and in the Tajima ({M,l§)
Origin, Distribution and Role of the Kaito Phenomenon 89 in the Settlement of Japan (Kikuchi. Kakiuchi)
region, the dry-field croplands within the yashiki are called kaito or kaichi.
Lastly, in Shimadachi-machi (J§3£fflT) of Higashi Chikuma-gun in Nagano prefecture, the burial plot in a corner of the yashiki is called kaito.ll'
On the other hand, cases are found where cultivated plots of land appear to be
remnants of the kojin-kaito. In much of Nagano prefecture, it is reported the
immediate area around the yashiki is called keido-bata {keido dry-field cropland),
and in Yomura of Higashi Muro-gun in Wakayama prefecture the large dry-field
cropland in front of the yashiki is called kaito-batake. The same is true in
Takashima-gun of Shiga prefecture. There are even cases where the narrow path
leading to the rice nursery (nawashiro) (iSfti) is called kaito-michi {kaito path).
Finally, there are units of cultivated land or of wasteland which are called kaito
but never seemed to have had any dwellings on them. Many such cases can be
observed in the northern mountains of Hyogo prefecture and in an area from the
mountains of Aichi prefecture through the Akashi (^5) mountains into Chiisagata-
gun in Nagano prefecture and thence into the mountains of Gunma prefecture.
Most of these kaito are dry-field croplands located on the less desirable tablelands along the foothills and on river terraces. The size of the individual units is about one cho. These cases would represent those types which never reached the stage of the kojin-kaito. Many of them, especially in the isolated areas, were probably set apart for future reclamation and were for a long time used as grassland or other
non-crop purposes. This might be surmised from the situation in Tsukui-gun of
Kanagawa prefecture, where there are numerous such kaito place names along the
transition zone between the mountains and the present dry-field croplands.120 Many of the aforementioned may have been developed as supplementary plots to the main farm, because in many cases of the kaito of Gunma prefecture, the documents from the Middle Ages list them as dezukuri-wake (fiSfFt)^?) or just dezukuri (going outto cultivate).121 These then would not have dwellings planned for them from the beginning.
Thus taking one path of evolution, the kojin-kaito which came to focus on the
yashiki expanded into the dozoku-kaito or rinpo-kaito and then into the buraku-kaito.
Taking another path the kojin-kaito became fragmented and the term kaito came to be applied to certain parts of it. The variety of forms and meanings, then, found today in various parts of Japan are relics resulting from these two processes.
Summary
Studies on the kaito indicate the phenomenon came into existence quite early in the history of Japan. The earliest documentary evidence discovered so far appears in the kiinokuni-zaiden-gungi-ge (lE^B^ffliil^IPP) written in 854.12J Its origin appa- rently coincides with a period of time when private ownership of land was beginning
to be permitted and the reclamation of hitherto undeveloped lands was being encouraged. Although some scholars feel the kaito may have preceded the mydden, in the aforementioned respect it was similar to the mydden. However, in contrast to the latter, the areal distribution of the kaito phenomena generally seems to be associated with the less desirable agricultural areas, whereas the mydden are found in the plains and basin areas. Further study on this difference in areal distribution
might prove to be significant in the analysis of these two seemingly similar
phenomena, especially as the two are found within the same general areal extent of the distribution of the jdri system.123
The kaito as local place names and very small socio-economic grouping were and are most numerous in the Kinki district, especially in and around the Nara basin.
It was the rectangular moat-surrounded kaito settlements in the basin which first attracted attention as a rural settlement type. One of the question which needs to be investigated is how strongly the communal functions and characteristics have been retained in the small kaito settlements and communities.
Footnotes
95 Naoye, "Kaito no kenkyu," op. cit., p.19.
96 Many of the kaito place names, which are preceded by names of certain kinds of
trees, may have been taken from the kind of trees used as boundary markers. Ibid., p.31.
97 Wakamori, "Kaito," op. cit., pp. 20-30; "Kaito," Kyodo-shi jiten (M±&M$§) (Dictionary of Regional History) (Tokyo: Asakura shoten, 1955), pp. 87-88.
98 It might be noted that in a great many cases, the name of the kaito became surnames of the family or families living there, such as Tsutsumi of Tsutsumi-kaito, Yumiba
of Yumiba- kaito, Kuwahara, Shintani, etc. It can be presumed that the people of
the kaito took the names of the kaito at the time of the Meiji Restoration, when
commoners were allowed to take on surnames. Oftentimes, the name of the kaito
became the yago, such as Ushiro-kaito and Se-kaito of Chikano-mura. Also, they
have become names of koaza, such as Kami-kaito, Naka-kaito and Baba kaito of
Chikano-mura. Naoye, "Kaito no kenkyu," op. cit,. pp. 19-23.
99 Taoka, op. cit., p.24.
100 Adachi, "Omi Takashima-gun ni okeru kaito kenkyu," op. cit., pp. 188-122.
101 Naoye, "Kaito no kenkyu," op. cit., p. 23.
102 Gomi Norio, "Chusei joshu no kaito," op. cit., p.33.
103 Isshi, "Kaito-ko," op. cit., pp. 65-66.
104 Chiba, "Kaito ni tsuite," op. cit., pp. 29-30.
105 R. K. Reischauer, Early Japanese History (Princeton, 1937), pp. 1-20.
106 Nakayama, op. cit., p.14.
107 The myoden (;gE3) (name paddy field) referred to newly reclaimed rice fields during
Origin, Distribution and Role of the Kaito Phenomenon
in the Settlement of Japan (Kikuchi. Kakiuchi) 91
the periods from the Heian (784-1185) through the Muromachi (1392-1490). The person
who reclaimed the land was entitled to its use and also named the land after his
own name. From the eighth century on, edicts and regulations issued by the
government indicated an increasing concern for the opening up of new lands on the
frontiers to alleviate the needs of the increasing population, probably the myoden came into being to encourage reclamation and to distinguish them from the govern- ment paddy fields, the koden (£15).
108 Chiba "Kaito ni tsuite," op. cit., p. 33.
109 Nishioka, "Kaichi," op. cit., p.60,
110 Naoye, "Kaito no kenkyu," op. cit., pp. 24-25.
111 Ogawa, op. cit., pp. 1-26-
112 Makino, op. cit., No.l, pp. 180-202.
113 Muramatsu Shigeki, "Iwayuru kango-shuraku ni tsuite, Yamato heiya o chushin ni
shite mitaru (I^WSSljg^igitge^T-AWI^t«bt h- lz Z) (On the So-called
Moat-surrounded Settlements, Viewed with the Focus on the Yamato Basin)." Jinbun kenkyu (Aj£5Jf%), I (Dec. 1950), pp. 4-7.
114 Makino, op. cit., "Sankyo narabi ni ".
115 One of the more interesting problems for the future would be to try to see if there
really is a relationship between the kaito, shoen, and the myOden. It is known
that the myoden or myo came into being during the latter part of the Heian period
and increased in number during the Kamakura period. In terms of time, the
kaito and myoden are similar. The evolution of the kaito can be likened to the
evolution of the myoden, That is, just as the shoya (££il) on the myoden became
the shotaku (££%) (mansion) of the shoen, the taya (EHM) (temporary living quarters or a small hut used for resting and storing of farm implements) on the kaito became
the yashiki. The kaito in this sense could be thought of as a small-scale shoen.
One scholar has stated that the kaito or kakitsu perhaps was the forerunner of the
shoen. But this raises the question that if the kaito was the forerunner of the
shoen, why is it the two are differentiated. Others have claimed the kaito was a
type of mydden. Another has called attention to the general relationship between
the kaito and myo in that records show many myo names to which are added the
term kaito-myO. No one, as yet, has claimed the two are the same. Many feel,
however, the two had interesting similarities. Two of the more important ones, in
addition to the similarity in time, are that both were associated with the development of new lands and appeared to have special privileges attached to the reclaimed land.
Nakayama, "Kaito-ko," op. cit., pp. 14-24; Yonekura, op. cit.; Watanabe, op. cit., pp.
59-64.
116 Chiba, "Kaito ni tsuite," op. cit., p.31 117 Yonekura, op. cit.
118 Watanabe, op. cit., pp. 53-59.
119 Isshi, "Kaito-ko," op. cit., p.68.
120 Naoye, "Kaito no kenkyu," op. cit., p.26.
121 Gomi, op. cit., p.33.
122 Takeuchi Rizo (fJftSH). Heian ibun i^-^MSO (Literary Records of the Heian Period) Tokyo-do, 1947), I, p.96.
123 One plausible explanation given to account for the difference in areal distribution is that the implementation of the jori system on the plains area was much more strict and affected the earlier settlements, and, as a result, many of the kaito settlements disappeared, were reduced in number or at least altered in form, assuming that the kaito phenomenon preceded the establishment of the jori system of land division.
In the mountainous or isolated areas, it appears that the system was not strongly enforced and therefore many more kaito place names were retained. Isshi, "Kaito- ko," op. cit., pp.65-66. Certain evidences seem to point to the above explanation.
Historical records and maps of Gamo (?|ffi) and Echi-gun (§5?li|5) in Shiga prefecture show that kaito koaza names are much more numerous in the uplands and in areas susceptible to flooding. These areas coincide with areas where the jori system was not enforced. In Aichi prefecure the kaito or kaitsu names are far more numerous in the more hilly and mountainous areas than in the lowland paddy field areas near the city of Nagoya. Chiba, "Kaito ni tsuite," op- cit., p.34.
(1972fp5^30H SS)
