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A Feature-inheritance Approach to the . . . Construction in Chinese Language

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9 2021 3

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2

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A Feature-inheritance Approach to the . . . Construction in Chinese Language

Yan GUO *

1

, Akira HIROE*

2

*

1

Nagasaki University (part-time)

*

2

Center for Language Studies, Nagasaki University

Abstract

faces several challenges in the relevant respects, and argue that, as in Guo and Hiroe (2020), de in the Chinese shi . . . de construction is a sentence particle, categorized as a complementizer (C

0

), with an aspectual specification. Moreover, the mechanism that induces a focal interpretation on the subject of the shi . . . de construction can be captured in such a way as to fit into the phase theory (Chomsky (2001, 2008)), where agreement-features are assumed to be inherited from C

0

to T

0

at a certain stage of derivation. However, we will propose that in the construction, [focus], a discourse-related feature, is inherited from de to T

0

, which is contingent on the inheritance of agreement features.

Keywords:

1.

(2020)

Paul and Whitman (2008) P&W

(2)

Chomsky (2001, 2008) (phase theory)

(de) (sentence particle)

(right periphery) (syntactic cartography)

(e.g. Cheng (2008), Chiu (1993), Huang (1982, 1988), Paris (1979), Simpson and Wu (2002), Tang (1983), and Teng (1979))

1

P&W

shi ... de shi

shi (1)

(1) P&W

shi . . . de

(1) a. Shi Xiaoyong ca de heiban.

shi de

b. Shi Xiaoyong kan de shu.

shi de

2 P&W

P&W

3

(feature-inheritance) T

0

(agreement feature)

(discourse feature) [focus]

4

(3)

2.

2

Paul and Whitman (2008) P&W

(2020) P&W

2.1. Paul and Whitman (2008)

P&W (2) shi ... de pattern

(3)

(2) a. Shi ta jiejie kai de men.

Be 3SG elder.sister open DE door

(Paul &Whitman (2008: 429)) b. Lu Xun shi shenme shihou xie de A Q?

Lu Xun be what time write DE A Q

(ibid.) (3) a. It is a cleft: It obeys the exclusiveness condition and focuses an element in a

designated position.

b. The presupposition may not contain material generated above vP.

c. Constituents other than the subject and adjuncts may not occur in the designated focus position.

d. de is associated with [past] tense. (ibid.)

(3) P&W shi ... de

(2a) (2b) (4) (5)

(4)

(4)

(4)

(ibid.: (436))

(4) de (aspect) (AspP)

AspP (shi)

(presupposition) VP

(=(2a) (2b))

de [Past]

(=(2d)) P&W

(4) kai vP V

v AspP Asp

0

(Lin

(2001)) vP jiejie Asp

0

EPP OCC (Chomsky (2004)) AspP

VP shi

PF shi

shenme shihou (5)

Lu Xun vP AspP

(4) T

0

T EPP

TP

(5)

(5)

(ibid.) P&W

(4) V v [V+v] Asp

0

[V+v+Asp

0

]

[kai+v+de] kai de

2 (4) shi

3 (5) Lu Xun AspP T EPP

TP (5) shi

P&W shi...de shi

A-not-A A shi copula

shi copula A-not-

A

(6) a. Xiaoyong bu shi daxuesheng.

copula

(6)

b. Xiaoyong shi bu shi daxuesheng?

copula not copula

copula (7)

(7) a. Zhangsan bu gao.

[ ]

b. Zhangsan gao bu gao?

[ ] [ ]

P&W shi...de shi

(8)

(8) a. Kai men de shi ta jiejie.

de copula

b. *Kai men de ta jiejie.

de

(8) shi...de shi copula P&W

(2008)

shi PF

P&W

C-I

PF

(7)

P&W

P&W

(2020) P&W

2.2 ( 2020 )

(2020) Paul and Whitman

(2008)

(1978) (2003) (1982)

(nominalizer)

(9) ( (1978))

1 (9)

(10) copula (10)

(9) copula

(10) Xiaowang zuotian wanshang lai de.

de

( (2020:40))

(9)

(9) copula

copula (11) (12)

(11) Xiaowang zuotian wanshang mai de piao .

de

(8)

(ibid.) (12) [

N

Xiaowang] shi [

NP

zuotian wanshang mai piao de ren].

shi de

(ibid.)

(12) copula (11) (12)

(2020)

(13) a. Xiaowang he de kele.

de

b. *Xiaowang he kele de.

de

( (2020: 41))

S V O

(14) a. *Xiaowang yihuier he de kele.

*

de

b. *Xiaowang zongshi he de kele.

*

(9)

de

(ibid.: 43) aspect

focus

(15) A: Fasheng le shengme?

le

B: #Xiaowang kan de shu.

de

(ibid.) 3.

(2020)

(13) (14) (aspect)

(16) a. Xiaoyong ca de heiban.

de

b. Xiaoyong ca le heiban.

le

(10)

(C

0

) (e.g. Hun-tak Lee (1986), Paul (2009, 2014), among others) Rizzi (1997) (CP-layer)

3

(17) Rizzi's (1997) CP-layer

Force >(Top) >(Foc) >(Top)> Fin Paul (2009, 2014, 2015) (17)

(Q: question-marker; IMP:

imperative)

(18) a. Ta bi ye le ma /*ma le?

3 SG finish study C Q Q C b. Kuai dinar zou ba.

Fast a bit walk IMP

(Paul (2015:(4)-(5))

(18a) le ma

(17) Fin ma Force

(18b)

ba Force Paul (2015)

(18a)

Fin Low C

(19) Paul's (2015) CP-layer Low C Force

Paul

(ATT: attitude)(cf. Haegeman (2014), Haegeman and Hill (2013))

(20) Bu zao l'ou [le + ou]/*[ou le]. Kuai zou b'ou [ba+ou] /*ou ba

(11)

NEG early LOW C+ ATT fas go FORCE + ATT

(Zhu Dexi (1982: 208))

(20) warning reminder ou LowC

Force (19) Paul

(21) Chinese CP-layer

Low C Force Attitude

(21)

( (2020))

2 LowC

2.1

P&W PF

(counter-cyclic)

(C

0

) (external merge)

C

0

T

0

Miyagawa (2017)

(22) a. b.

(Agreement-based languages) (Discourse-configurational languages)

(12)

(22) - - T

Miyagawa (22a) - (22b)

- (22a) -

(22b) -

LowC T

0

[focus]

(23)

T

0

[focus] T

0

(Agree)

T

0

(minimal search) vP

(value assignment) [focus]

[focus] C-I

T

0

(edge feature) TP

2.1 TP vP

T

(13)

(24) Ta shi zai Beijing xue yuyanxue de.

3 SG be at Beijing learn linguistics de

(25)

(25) (23) C T

[focus] T VP zai Beijing T

[focus] vP (edge) v

T

zai Beijing (25) (23)

T TP

LowC Force Attitude

Force Attitude

(14)

4

(26) a. Xiaowang shuo shi xiaoyong ca de heiban.

shi de

b. Xiaowang renwei shi xiaoyong ca de heiban.

shi de

c. Xiaowang jianshi shi xiaoyong ca de heiban.

shi de

d. Xiaowang xiaoshengshuo shi xiaoyong ca de heiban.

shi de

e. Xiaowang xiangxin shi xiaoyong ca de heiban.

shi de

(26)

4.

Paul and Whitman (2008) LowC

T

0

T

0

Agree

T

(15)

T vP vP

* 2 7 2

1.

P&W

2.

(2020)

3.

Rizzi (1997) C

0

(17)

4.

(i)

(i) a.

??

Xiaowang zhidao shi xiaoyong ca de heiban.

shi de

b.

??

Xiaowang buganxin shi xiaoyong ca de heiban.

shi de

c.

??

Xiaowang houhui shi xiaoyong ca de heiban.

shi de

(i) (26)

(16)

Cheng, Lisa Lai-Shen and Rint Sybesma (2006) A Chinese relative. In Organizing Grammar. Linguistic Studies in Honor of Henk van Riemsdijk, Hans Broekhuis, Norbert Corver, Riny Huybregts, Ursula Kleinhenz, and Jan Koster (eds.), pp.

Chiu, Bonnie H.-C. (1993) The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese, Ph.D.

dissertation, UCLA.

Ken Hale: A Life in Language, ed. by Structures and Beyond,

Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory, ed.

by Robert Freidin, Carlos P. Otero a Cambridge, MA.

(2003) 1 3-16.

Studia Linguistica 68, 1, pp. 116-139.

Syntax and its limits, Raffaella Folli, Christina Sevdali, and Robert Truswell (eds.). Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 370-390.

Huang, C.-T. James (1982) Logical relations in Chinese and the theory of grammar, Ph.D. dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, MA.

Huang, C.-T. James (1988) Shuo shi he you (On shi and you), Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology

Hun-tak Lee, Thomas (1986) Studies on quantification in Chinese, University of California at Los Angeles, PhD diss.

(2020) NV N

8 , pp. 36-51.

Miyagawa, Shigeru (2017) Agreement beyond Phi, MIT Press.

Paris, Marie-Claude (1979) Nominalization in Mandarin Chinese, Paris:

de Recherches linguistiques Shi . . . de focus clefts in

(17)

Mandarin Chinese 451.

Recherches Linguistiques de Vincennes

Shi . . . de focus clefts in Mandarin The Linguistic Review 25, pp. 413-451.

unpublished ms., CRLAO, Paris. (Available at: http://crlao.ehess.fr/index.php?177) Studia Linguistica 68, 1: pp. 77-115.

Lingua, vol. 170, pp. 23-34.

1978a 1 23-27.

1978b 2 104-109.

Journal of East Asian Linguistics

1982 6

.

fenlieju (Focusing constructions in Chinese: cleft sentences and pseudo-cleft Universe and Scope. Presupposition and Quantification in Chinese

Taipei: Student Book Co.

Journal of Chinese Linguistics

Zhu, Dexi (1982) Yufa jiangyi (On grammar), Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan.

参照

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