Challenges of Implementing a University English for Academic Purposes Program in Japan

Challenges of Implementing a University

English for Academic Purposes Program in Japan

著者 TANAKA Keiko, 田中 桂子

journal or

publication title

明治学院大学国際学研究 = Meiji Gakuin review International & regional studies

volume 38

page range 1‑25

year 2010‑11‑15

その他のタイトル 日本の大学における学術英語教育の現状と課題

URL http://hdl.handle.net/10723/1470

Challenges of Implementing a University English for Academic Purposes Program in Japan

Keiko Tanaka

要 約

本論文では，日本の大学において学術英語教育（EAP）を受けた学生293 名を対象に，そ の学習効果を調査した結果を報告する。分析資料として，TOEFL-ITPの結果と，その補完的 資料として学生の聞き取り調査結果を用いた。EAPプログラムの結果によると，TOEFL-ITP の数値からは有効な結果が得られなかったが，聞き取り調査結果から，EAPプログラム開始 時に低い点しか取れなかった学生であっても，適切な学習環境におかれれば学術英語能力を 著しく向上させることが明らかにされた。この研究から，学習者のモチベーションを高め，

学習者の「（理想的な）第二言語能力を習得した自己像」を想像させるような教師の指導力，

また，本質的な会話や自己表現を英語で実践できるようなコミュニティーに参加する自主性 を引き出す機会といった学習環境が，大学のEAPにとって必要不可欠であることが分かった。

他方，学習者のモチベーションを低下させ，学習を阻害するような環境があることも明らか にされた。以上より，EAPプログラムの成功は，適切な指導力を持った教員の存在と，学習 環境を保障する大学からのサポート次第であることが指摘できる。

Abstract

This article reports on the results of a study that investigated the learning outcomes of a cohort of 293 students enrolled in a English for Academic Purposes (EAP) program in a Japanese university using the results of the TOEFL-ITP and other data gathered through an ethnographic study. The EAP program examined in this study was only marginally successful from a statistical point of view using the TOEFL-ITP data.

However, the ethnography indicates that when certain conditions are met, even those students who started the EAP program with low English proficiency levels can make significant advances in English academic skills. This study found that contexts that support learner motivation and help learners visualize their ideal-L2-self and develop autonomy to participate in communities in which they can practice using English for authentic communication and expression of the self were critical for success. The study also found that some contexts de-motivate students and activate coping mechanisms that interfere with learning. Data suggest that the success of an EAP program is likely to depend on well-trained instructors and strong support from the university.

Introduction

The increasing speed and scope of globalization has placed higher education in Japan at a crossroads. Universities could deal with the challenges created by world-wide competition for qualified students and an increasingly tough competition for students spurred by diminishing population of college-age students in the domestic front by moving forward to meet international higher education standards, and by enhancing educational practices and innovation, faculty development, and research activities. On the other hand, universities could attempt to isolate themselves from this global trend in hopes that the status quo is better than a turn in direction. While the selected paths differ, many universities in Japan are making critical decisions and mapping out mid- and long-term strategies amid significant and irreversible changes.

At the heart of this decision-making is the question of how best to prepare students to meet the challenges of a globalized world in which English is becoming a lingua franca and an essential skill for the workplace. While many language educators recognize the importance of this educational question, there is a divide between those who advocate the adoption of an English for Academic Purposes (EAP) program and those who believe in the adequacy of the general purposes English that has been dominating classroom teaching for decades. Yet, outside Japan, especially in Asian countries such as China and Korea, EAP is rapidly becoming the standard. This EAP movement accords with the argument that traditional approaches to teaching communicative English will be inadequate in preparing students for the 21

century because the changing employment patterns, and the emergence of global Englishes and global information economy require critical thinking and complex literacy and communication skills in English (Warschauer, 2000).

Despite the interest in EAP, there is a relative lack of research that addresses whether an EAP curriculum and its standard instructional practices can be successfully implemented in a Japanese university context. Hence, the goal of this article is to report on the results of a study that investigated the learning outcomes of a two-year EAP program in a university in the outskirts of Tokyo, Japan. The study examined the TOEFL ITP (Test of English as a Foreign Language-Institutional Testing Program) scores of a cohort of learners upon entry into the program in the first year of university and again after exiting the program at the end of their second year. TOEFL ITP only measures language achievement in the areas of listening comprehension, language structure, and reading and does not measure some of the important EAP skills such as critical thinking and writing.

Also, it does not provide information about the non-linguistic benefits of EAP programs

documented by previous research (see for example, Tanaka, 2009) or explain the learning outcomes. Hence, this study utilized observation, survey, and interview data gathered throughout the time the learners were studying in the program to analyze and explain the outcomes, and examine the EAP program under investigation. The study addressed specific research questions:

1. To what extent do learners develop proficiency in academic English in an EAP program?

2. What variables appear to affect the learning outcomes? And how can the effect of these variables be characterized?

3. What are the issues and limitations that need to be considered in implementing an EAP program?

It is hoped that this paper, by answering the questions posed, will be of use to university educators wishing to implement an English language program that responds to the challenges of a globalized world of education in the current century.

Review of Previous Studies Foundational and Teachability Issue

The primary goal of a university EAP program is to teach language skills indispensable for coping with the academic demands of classes taught in English.

Characteristically, the curriculum focuses on the development of critical thinking skills, an ability to read, analyze, summarize and synthesize complex texts, and skills to produce academic essays and research papers.

A growing number of second language educators in Japan endorse these goals, and consider these skills foundational for liberal arts education (Tomiyama, 2006), necessary to compensate for the shortfalls of learners’ ability to think logically and write argumentative essays (Oi, 2005), or essential for learners given the role English plays in shaping the world today (Tanaka, 2010). Additionally, some researchers (Kubota, 1999; Thompson, 2002) argue that critical literacy

needs to be taught to non-English populations to acquire the voice to participate in the dominant society.

Much of the research on EAP in Japan is focused on the teaching of critical thinking and argumentative writing skills (see for example, Davidson and Luckett 2003;

Nishigaki and Leishman 2001; Oi, 2005; Stapleton, 2001; Tanaka, 2009). However, while

it indicates that critical thinking and argumentative writing can be successfully taught to a

select group of participants, what remains relatively unexplored is whether EAP education is appropriate for all participants entering university regardless of English proficiency, and to what extent learner variables including motivation, overall academic readiness

and educational background affect the learning outcomes. There is also a lack of information on how context (the larger socio-cultural environment and the classroom in which learning takes place) influences the learning outcomes.

Motivation

To date, research has identified a number of key learner variables that affect L2 learning. Among these, motivation is considered to be one of the most important predictors of second language (L2) learning.

Separating motivation into two kinds, Gardner and Lambert (1972, 1985) argue that integrative motivation (the desire to interact with speakers of the L2 community) leads to better learning outcomes among L2 learners than instrumental motivation (the desire to learn the language for practical purposes such as passing an examination or advancing a career opportunity). Noels, Clement, and Pelletier (1999) recast motivation into intrinsic motivation (an innate desire for competence and self-determination) and extrinsic motivation (a desire to fulfill an instrumental goal), and conclude that successful learners are intrinsically motivated.

It has been suggested that in an English as a Foreign Language (EFL) context like Japan where opportunities to use the L2 are limited, motivation cannot be simply characterized as a dichotomy. For example, Benson (1991) found that while Japanese learners displayed elements of motivation associated with integrative motivation, they also nominated personal reasons which could not be categorized as either integrative or instrumental such as such a preference for entertainment in English and pleasure at being able to read in English as motives for learning English. LoCastro (1996) suggests that Japanese learners’ motivation to learn English is instrumental, primarily driven by the need to pass the university entrance examination. The study supports Berwick and Ross (1989) who indicate that after achieving the goal of entering a university, learners’ motivation wanes considerably. In general, other studies (for example, Kimura, Nakata, and Okumura, 2001; Sawaki, 1997; Yamashiro & McLaughlin, 2001; Yashima, 2000) point to the difficulty of characterizing the motivation of Japanese learners of English according to the integrative-instrumental motivation dichotomy established by research conducted in other countries.

More recently, it has been pointed out that the concept of integrativeness is

relevant only for contexts like Canada where Gardner and Lambert conducted research of two specific linguistic communities existing side-by-side. For example, Dornyei (2009) states that the ascendancy of English as a lingua franca in this age of globalization has extended ownership beyond a specific community of native speakers. Indeed, research by Dorynei and Cisizer (2002) indicates that L2 learners’ integrativeness may be psychological in nature and directed toward an imagined L2 community. Yashima’s study (2002) lends support to this finding and suggests that for Japanese learners of English, integrativeness can be re-conceptualized as international posture (interest in international affairs and a desire to affiliate with the international community) which leads to positive learning outcomes and confidence in L2 communication.

Dornyei’s later work (2005, 2009) focuses on the psychological dimension of motivation and conceptualizes motivation in terms of a L2 Motivational Self-System in which the learner is motivated by an ideal self image as a competent speaker of L2 (Ideal L2 Self), by a feeling of obligation to learn the L2 imposed socially or by others (Ought-to Self), or by a learning context that include the curriculum, teacher, and peers (L2 Learning Experience). Studies (Csizer and Kromos, 2008; Ryan, 2008; Taguchi, Magid, and Papi, 2008) conducted across a wide range of learning contexts including China, Japan, Iran, and Hungary support the validity of the ideal L2 self as a construct that explains individual learner variability in L2 learning.

Learner Autonomy

There is general agreement among researchers that learner autonomy (a mindset

that enables the learner to pursue language learning goals independently without any

directive from others including the teacher) is an important variable that affects L2 learning

success by influencing the learner’s amount of exposure to language learning opportunities

(Dickinson, 1987, 1992; Ellis and Sinclair, 1989; Wenden, 1991; Willing, 1989). Unfortunately,

research indicates that learner autonomy may not always be present among English learners

in Japan and other Asian contexts: While some studies show that learners have positive

attitudes toward autonomous learning (Dickinson, 1995, 1996; Jones, 1995; Littlewood et al.,

1996), other studies show contrasting results (Balla et al., 1991; Chan, Spratt, and Humphreys,

2002; Kember and Gaw, 1991). For example, a study by Ishikawa (2006) shows that

although university students in Japan displayed a positive view toward learning English,

they were not ready to learn autonomously and concludes that they need to be supported in

developing positive attitudes toward learner autonomy.

Context

L2 researchers contend that contextual variables that are external to the learner are likely to interact with learner variables such as motivation and autonomy to influence learning. For example, the study by Noels, Clement, and Pelletier (1999) discussed above shows that teacher’s constructive feedback enhances both learner motivation and autonomy and that this in turn produces better learning outcomes. Similarly, a study of Korean EFL learners (Guilloteaux and Dornyei, 2008) shows that the teachers’ motivational strategies enhance learner motivation and influence learning behaviors in the classroom. Other studies show that the types of learning tasks used by the teachers in the classroom affect learner motivation and learning (Barkhuizen, 1998; Bygate, Skehan, and Swain, 2001).

Some studies that attempt to connect learner variables to context indicate that motivation changes across time and context. For example, Gao’s longitudinal study (2008) illustrates shifts in motivation among Chinese university-level learners of English as they moved from China to Hong Kong. Gao argues that learners’ motivations were shaped by an interaction between two distinctively different contexts and their own learning goals, but adds that this context-mediated motivation gradually shifted toward more self-determined motivation as the learners’ visions of ideal self became more powerful after their arrival in Hong Kong. Studies of learners in Japan (Berwick and Ross, 1989;

Koizumi and Matsuo, 1993; Matsuda & Brown, 2004; Sawyer, 2007; Usuki, 1997) also show that motivation changes over time.

A case study by Lamb (2008) which investigated two Indonesian learners of

English highlights broad context-mediated differences with one learner displaying

motivation associated with an ideal L2 self and the other displaying motivation more

indicative of an ought-to L2 self. Lamb uses the social theories of Lave & Wenger (1991)

and Bourdieu (1991)

to explain that these differences are related to how individual agency

is either suppressed or enhanced by context. In Lamb’s study, the learner with an ideal L2

self possessed cultural capital because she was embedded in an environment inherited from

her family’s status in which a future self living abroad and speaking English could be easily

imagined. On the other hand, the other learner did not possess cultural capital. In

addition, while the former exploited opportunities to join the community of English users

and displayed autonomous learner behavior, the latter did not see English as a legitimate

language of communication and engaged in learning activities only when persuaded to do

so. While acknowledging the ability of individuals to overcome disadvantages, Lamb

nevertheless suggests that the former learner is on a learning trajectory that is likely to result

in successful L2 learning, while the latter is not.

As this review of studies indicates, the incorporation of a psychological perspective into L2 motivation and a renewed focus on contextual variables have contributed to a better understanding of how learner variables interact with the context to affect learning. Studies show significant differences between individuals in how such variables interact. Studies also indicate the dynamic nature of motivation. However, more research across different global regions is needed to understand, for example, how different contexts interact with learner identity and processes and affect L2 motivation and learning behaviors.

The Study

This study examined the learning outcomes of a two-year EAP program by assessing the language learning achievement of a cohort of 293 university participants

by comparing the TOEFL-ITP scores from the time they began studies in the program with their scores on completing the program at the end of their second year in a private university near Tokyo, Japan. The study, by using qualitative data, also sought to explain the achievement variability found among the participants.

The EAP Program and the Context

The EAP program that just began as this study was initiated consists of the following courses:

Year Spring Term Fall Term Assessments

First EAP Course A (2 units)⁷

EAP Course B (2 units)

EAP Course A (2 units)

EAP Course B (2 units)

• Entry TOEFL ITP for streaming

• Portfolio of written products

Second EAP Course (2 units)

EAP Course (2 units)

• Exit TOEFL ITP

• Portfolio of written products

Accordingly, the participants were in English classes four days a week for two 13-

week semester sessions in Year 1 and two days a week for two 13-week semester sessions in

Year 2. The department in which the EAP program is housed considers English language

education a priority and endorses its study abroad programs although not all faculty members agree with a strong emphasis on English and there are widely disparate opinions on how best to raise the participants’ English proficiency and what professional experience and qualifications are needed to teach EAP courses.

Historically, the department’s English language program had been a mix of general purpose and academic English program, though the curriculum was largely textbook-driven and there was no articulation of standards and learning outcomes or formal assessments. Participants were not required to take English classes in the third year though the department offers several classes in the disciplines taught using English as a medium of instruction, and one class on preparing participants for the TOEFL iBT

.

The EAP curriculum articulates standards and learning outcomes, and includes a portfolio assessment though it is not uniformly implemented. Additionally, with a majority of teachers having backgrounds in widely different disciplines with no formal training in teaching academic English, there is a diversity of classroom approaches.

Participants

The participants were 293 Japanese university students in a liberal arts program at a coeducational university in the vicinity of Tokyo, Japan. Since the department requires all students to take the EAP courses, the participants were not self-selecting to study English.

Of the participants, 189 (64 percent) were females and 104 (36 percent) were males. Also, 30 of these participants were individuals who agreed to take part in a longitudinal study that tracked them since the time they entered the university and began their studies in the EAP program until completion two years later.

Survey data revealed that four of the participants were foreign student participants

for whom English was a second foreign language. The data also revealed that 56

participants were accepted into the university through the so-called self-recommendation

exam system, 72 participants were accepted from selected high schools that have specific

agreements with the university, one participant was accepted based on the foreign student

examination system, and the remaining 161 were accepted through the regular university

entrance examination system.

Data

The study applied both quantitative and qualitative approaches using a wide range of data which included (a) TOEFL-ITP scores; (b) student survey given at the beginning and end of Year 1, and at the end of Year 2; (c) observation report

by the teachers at the end of Year 1 regarding student motivation and at other times throughout the study; (d) interview and observation data from an ethnographic study of a select group of participants; and (e) interview notes and other records kept by the EAP program. The comparison of EAP program entry and exit TOEFL scores with other variables was made using several measures that best captured the patterns and trends. As the focus of the study was to examine and explain the student learning outcomes in an EAP program using a wide range of data rather than to tease out a set of variables using test data and a questionnaire, parametric methods were not used. Following the recent trend in ethnography, the study relied on the contribution of the participants in understanding the phenomena on hand. In order to provide maximum protection for the participants, some statistical data on individuals and groups were not used for the study.

Findings

Achievement measured by TOEFL-ITP

As shown in Table 1, the average TOEFL-ITP score of the participants upon entry

into the university and hence the EAP program is 425.2 with the standard deviation of 40.6

and median score of 430. Since the median score is close to the average score, the

distribution is regarded as basically normal (Gaussian distribution). However, even though

the average exit score of participants two years later is only slightly better at 431.0, the

standard deviation of 54.6 and the increase in the range from 240 to 301 indicate that the

distribution is significantly spread for the exit scores. Graph 1 is a representation of that

difference.

Table 1

TOEFL DATA AVE SD VAR ME MAX MIN R

ENTRY 425.2 40.6 1651.4 430 557 317 240

EXIT 431.0 54.6 2985.7 430 587 286 301

Graph 1

Also, the TOEFL-ITP results indicate that although some participants achieved a significant

increase in the scores after two years in the EAP program, many others saw their score stay

constant or even decrease. As shown in Table 2, among the participants whose score

increased, 52 (17 percent) displayed an increase of over 40 points and 59 participants (20

percent) displayed an increased of 15-39 points (20 percent). On the other hand, the scores

of 107 participants (36 percent) remained basically the same and 75 participants (25

percent) displayed a decrease in their scores. In sum, the overall results seem to indicate

that a majority of the participants saw no progress in their language proficiency. Graph 2

is a representation of the results.

Table 2 Comparison of Participants’ TOEFL Score Gains and Losses increased

(+40 ~ 140 pts) N=52

increased (+15 ~ 39 pts)

N=59

unchanged (+14 ~ -14 pts)

N=107

decreased (-15 ~ -87 pts)

N=75

17% 20% 36% 25%

Graph 2 Comparison of Participants’ TOEFL Score Gains and Losses

Achievement and Motivation

As in previous studies, data gathered from the participants and those obtained

from the instructors identified motivation as one of the key variables related to how

participants scored on the TOEFL-ITP. As shown in Table 3, not surprisingly, among the

category of participants whose scores increased significantly, 26 participants (50 percent)

were identified as being highly motivated by the teachers who taught the participants, and

22 participants (42 percent) were identified as being neither motivated nor de-motivated,

and only 4 participants (8 percent) were identified as being de-motivated. Among the

participants whose scores rose moderately, there was a slight decrease in the number of

participants identified as being motivated—23 participants (38 percent)—and a slight

increase in the number of participants identified as being de-motivated—6 participants (10

percent). Among participants whose scores remained unchanged, the majority of 68

participants (63 percent) were identified as being neither motivated nor de-motivated

although an outlying 28 participants (26 percent) in this unsuccessful group were identified

as being motivated. The highest number of participants who were identified as being de-motivated—18 participants (24 percent)—were among those whose scores decreased.

However, it is interesting to note that there were some 18 participants (24 percent) who were identified as being motivated even among this category of falling scores participants.

It should be noted that while the highest number of motivated participants were represented among those whose gain on the TOEFL-ITP were significant, those identified as being motivated were present even among those whose scores saw no gain. Graph 3 is a comparison of the participants’ gains in scores with their motivation or their lack thereof.

Table 3 Motivation and Participants’ TOEFL Score Gains and Losses Score Change

+40 ~ 140 pts N=52

+15 ~ 39 pts N=59

+14 ~ -14 pts N=107

-15 ~ -87 pts N=75 Motivated 50% (26) 38% (23) 26% (28) 24% (18)

Neither 42% (22) 50% (30) 63% (68) 52% (39)

De-motivated 8% ( 4) 10% ( 6) 10% (11) 24% (18)

Graph 3 Comparison of TOEFL Score Gains and Losses with Motivation & De-motivation

Classroom Context

Context (operationally defined in this study as the class or course in which the

participants found themselves) appeared to be another variable related to the TOEFL

outcomes. This indication accords with research that found that learners were influenced by an interaction of a wide range of contextual variables including the curriculum and instructional materials, and the teachers’ communicative styles and teaching strategies. As Table 4 shows, although a majority of participants who were placed during Year 2 in Context 1, 3, 4, and 7 increased their TOEFL scores (81, 58, 70, and 60 percent respectively), a significant percentage of participants in Context 10, 14, 15, and 16 saw a decrease in their test scores (46, 45, 65, and 61 percent respectively). Graph 4 is a visual representation of the data, which demonstrates clearly that each context is different in terms of what type of outcomes it yields in terms of the TOEFL score gains. However, a caveat is in order: As the latter part of this paper will show, the relationship between context and learning outcomes is a complex and dynamic one that cannot be simply attributed to a small number of variables.

Table 4 Comparison of Context and TOEFL Score Gains and Losses Increased Increased Unchanged Decreased +40 ~ 140 pts +15 ~ 39 pts +14 ~ -14 pts -15 ~ -87 pts

Score Change n=52 n=59 n=107 n=87

Total No. of Participants Context 1 17 (60%) 6 (21%) 5 (17%) 0 ( 0%) 28 Context 2 2 (11%) 5 (29%) 9 (52%) 1 ( 6%) 17 Context 3 3 (17%) 7 (41%) 5 (29%) 2 (11%) 17 Context 4 10 (47%) 5 (23%) 5 (23%) 1 ( 4%) 21 Context 5 1 ( 5%) 4 (23%) 7 (41%) 5 (29%) 17 Context 6 1 ( 6%) 2 (13%) 6 (40%) 6 (40%) 15 Context 7 3 (16%) 8 (44%) 5 (27%) 2 (11%) 18 Context 8 0 ( 0%) 3 (21%) 9 (64%) 2 (14%) 14 Context 9 1 ( 5%) 7 (36%) 9 (47%) 2 (10%) 19 Context 10 2 (13%) 1 ( 6%) 5 (33%) 9 (46%) 15 Context 11 2 (10%) 3 (15%) 9 (47%) 5 (26%) 19 Context 12 3 (16%) 3 (16%) 6 (33%) 6 (33%) 18 Context 13 4 (20%) 3 (15%) 7 (35%) 6 (30%) 20 Context 14 2 (10%) 1 ( 5%) 8 (40%) 9 (45%) 20 Context 15 0 ( 0%) 1 ( 6%) 5 (29%) 11 (65%) 17 Context 16 1 ( 5%) 0 ( 0%) 6 (33%) 11 (61%) 18 (Percentage figures are rounded off to the nearest percent. Hence, the totals do not always add up to 100%.)

Graph 4 Comparison of Context and TOEFL Score Gains and Losses

English Proficiency

While there exists no research evidence to substantiate the claim, there is a persistent belief that English language learners with low proficiency levels cannot benefit from an EAP program. Hence, this study examined the relationship between the participants’

TOEFL scores when they entered the EAP program with their gains or losses in the scores at the point of exit from the program. As displayed in Table 5, participants whose entry TOEFL scores were in the top quartile did not show more gains than those in the remaining quartiles. In fact, 31 participants in the 4

quartile (42 percent) increased their scores, and 29 students in the 3

quartile (38 percent) increased their scores. On the other hand, only 27 participants (35 percent) in the top quartile and even a smaller number in the next quartile [24 participants (32 percent)] increased their scores. This finding is highlighted by Graph 5 below.

Table 5 Entry TOEFL Levels in Quartiles and TOEFL Score Gains and Losses

Entry TOEFL Increased Increased Unchanged Decreased +40 ~ 140 pts +15 ~ 39 pts +14 ~ -14 pts -15 ~ -87 pts

1^st Quartile 16 (21%) 11 (14%) 33 (44%) 14 (18%) 2^nd Quartile 6 ( 8%) 18 (24%) 26 (35%) 23 (31%) 3^rd Quartile 13 (17%) 16 (21%) 24 (32%) 20 (27%) 4^th Quartile 17 (23%) 14 (19%) 24 (32%) 18 (24%) (Percentage figures are rounded off to the nearest percent. Hence, the totals do not always add up to 100%.)

Graph 5 Entry TOEFL Levels in Quartiles and TOEFL Score Gains and Losses

Voices of the Participants

Motivation

“Motivated students have their own dreams!” reported a third-year student who in order to write a research paper was investigating why some students are motivated while others are not. Indeed, ethnographic data support the immense role motivation plays in predicted success of participants’ EAP studies. The top dozen scorers who gained between 67-140 points in TOEFL-ITP all had specific goals of what they wanted to do in their future.

Some dreamt of career goals such as becoming a professional in an international organization such as the United Nations (UN) or even in an international sports organization such as Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA). Other imagined futures were educational goals such as studying in an overseas educational institution. However, these participants’ narratives suggest that this motivation was not manufactured in the classroom context. Rather, as Saya’s narrative quoted below suggests, their motivation appears to be a part of their ideal self-image, often birthed by an early personal, international experience and brought to the surface and nurtured in the EAP classroom through specific instructional strategies:

At the beginning, because everything was in English, I was often on the edge and sometimes didn’t want to attend classes. Now, I’m used to it. I’m starting to see my progress—that I could actually converse in English—and when I get feedback on my essays and I notice that I could improve my writing from draft 1 to draft 2, I become more motivated. My successes are

prompting me to think about studying abroad. I remember that in the first place, I chose to come to this university because it had a study abroad program. Actually, when I was in middle school, I went on an overseas study trip and decided then that I wanted to repeat that experience in the university. I was so excited when my host family and I could communicate in English.

(Saya)

This motivational increase appears to be neither immediate nor incremental, and was mediated by other influences. For example, like many of the study’s participants from a wide range of TOEFL-ITP score results, these participants too stated that they had thought that the first year at the university was a time to “enjoy a campus life centered around non-academic activities” because they had “earned the right to recover from fatigue caused by the rigor of studying for the university entrance exams.” Therefore, they characterized themselves as being academically passive during the first term and attested that they “didn’t feel entirely comfortable and consistently motivated” in their EAP classes.

The participants’ narratives from the second term, however, suggests that their increased involvement in instructional and other social contexts as English users interacted with their recollection of past international experience and presented additional ingredients to shape their identities— ideal L2 self-image and possible L2 selves:

During term 1, I wanted to enjoy my campus life. I vaguely thought about studying abroad especially when the teacher talked about it but generally, I just did the required work. Now, I am becoming more motivated to study abroad. I recently recalled the three home-stay students from California we hosted at home when I was in middle school and my own home-stay experience in Canada when I was in high school. I participated in a Skype conference with our sempai [senior students] studying in California, and I was impressed by them. I wondered if I could be like them. I also attended a workshop for candidates of the exchange program given by a UC professor on how to select courses at the UC. I could almost picture myself becoming an exchange student. (Chie)

In addition, beyond the classroom context, what appear to have been critical for these participants were the communities in which they interacted including a community of sempai (senior students) who were selected as exchange students to study in the United States, a community of like-minded peers who wanted to become English users, and a community of international students largely from the United States.

Studying for the university entrance exam was a common experience of many

motivated and successful participants. However, contrary to the findings of some L2

researchers, these participants stated that preparing for the exam was helpful training to

“study independently and efficiently” and “persevere through all kinds of ups and downs in life” as Asa’s narrative indicates:

I was motivated to do well in the exam-oriented classroom context even though the studies were mechanical. Focusing on the entrance exams, I had to learn to put aside all my other goals, even the idea of improving my communicative abilities, and I actually forgot about this goal.

But thanks to this experience, I can focus and when I’m in a difficult situation, I know how to prioritize and get things done. (Asa)

As stated earlier, even though larger clusters of motivated participants who garnered significant gains in TOEFL-ITP scores were concentrated in certain classes, such students were present in nearly every class. Among them, Miku’s case stands out since she was placed in Context 16, in the lowest quartile in terms of language proficiency, and she was the only participant from this context whose TOEFL score increased. Furthermore, with an increase of 140 points from 437 to 577, she is clearly exceptional. Her narrative hints at a possible reason:

I have been seriously searching for my future path for a while, in fact, from long before starting the university. More recently, I’ve been discussing the future with my father for a while and it became clear to us that it is extremely important for me to acquire English, experience studying overseas, and become internationally focused when we considered how I would manage the future. When this conclusion was reached, I started putting my energy and focus into studying English on my own. My father has been involved in international business and he has really been supportive of my educational endeavors. (Miku)

Miku is not alone in the influence of participants’ family on English language study goals.

The participants’ ability to overcome adversity imposed by contextual variables because of another community, the family, is clearly illustrated in Hiro’s narrative:

My family is international—we lived overseas. Therefore, I’ve always wanted to have a job that puts me in touch with people from different cultures using English to communicate. So learning English has always been an important goal, and from when I was in middle school, I consciously began to develop my English on my own. I watched English-language movies again and again, picking up new phrases and vocabulary. Later, I began reading paperbacks, watching pod-casts and news online. I also began online chat to communicate with international friends. Naturally, I was really motivated when I started university. But from about the end of Term 1 of my first year until the middle of Term 1 of my second year, I lost my motivation. The English classes

were so low-level and boring and I saw my English level decline and this in turn made me loose my self-confidence. I turned the other way and began to put more energy into club activities and part-time work. But somehow, I remembered my dream of studying abroad and signed up for an internship in Australia during the summer of my sophomore year. This trip raised my self-confidence and since my second year classes were motivating, I regained my motivation to study hard toward my goal. (Hiro)

Hence, these participants, by being rooted in an environment in which a future self living abroad and speaking English could be easily imagined, may have been in a better position than others to exercise their individual agency, instead of being constrained by context. To use the terminology of Bourdieu (1991), they may have been endowed with cultural capital that put them on track toward actualizing their ideal L2 selves.

Finally, it must be pointed out that some participants’ personal qualities kept goals focused:

I was very disappointed with my university English classes. The level was low—the reading materials were easier than the ones we used in high school and the teacher was so unenthusiastic—it was terrible. Of course, I became de-motivated. But I kept on reminding myself that I wanted to study abroad to keep some level of motivation. Becoming friends with English speakers kept me motivated. I just had to move forward. And, I don’t let my friends take me away from what I need to do. I just say, ‘Sorry I can’t join you.’ And that doesn’t make them dislike me or ostracize me. I don’t think people think I’m cold or detached. I actually have many friends and I enjoy my school life. (Aki)

Yet other participants and instructors attest that individuals like Aki were an exception.

Indeed, this study indicates that more participants were constrained than enhanced by the context in which they found themselves.

De-motivation

Among the participants of the ethnographic study whose TOEFL-IPT scores decreased significantly despite a two-year stay in the EAP program, a majority started Year 1 motivated to become proficient users of English. However, they also wanted to enjoy themselves as university students. A number of contextual variables seemed to have dampened their motivation as shown by Kei and Ran’s narrative:

In my first year class, I was surrounded by students who were totally de-motivated and full of attitude like they didn’t care about anything. I hated doing group work with them. The worst

part was that the teacher didn’t care and did nothing when students spoke Japanese or slept in class even though these acts disrupted the learning environment. Also, the teacher treated us as if we were stupid—even called us ‘kids’ and spoke really slowly, and used materials that were extremely boring. All we did were language exercises and writing about topics that were silly and uninteresting. Even when we were practicing giving opinions, we had to choose an opinion written on the textbook. Soon, I started to loose my motivation and decided to just show up and put in time. That’s all we needed to do to pass the class anyway. (Kei)

I really wanted to learn to communicate in English but half the class didn’t care. When the teacher wasn’t near us—which was often enough—we just chatted in Japanese. I wanted to practice using English but I also wanted to be a part of the group and I didn’t have the nerve to stand out and insist on speaking English. The teacher didn’t notice any of this or maybe didn’t care. (Ran)

As indicated above, the classroom community for these participants was strikingly different from where students were able to rehearse their ideal L2 selves by using English for authentic communication. Instead, participants felt that the contextual constraint was too difficult to overcome primarily because they felt powerless, and unlike their motivated peers, they did not develop autonomy. This negative reaction may have something to do with their personal histories for nearly all of these participants reported having little experience travelling abroad or interacting with speakers of languages other than Japanese.

Hence, although some expressed a desire to work in multinational companies or travel related industries, for instance, they did not seem to have developed a clear vision of themselves as English language users and members of an international community.

Since high school, I’ve wanted to work in either the hospitality industry or travel industry. I think a job of a flight attendant, for instance, is really cool. They look charming in their uniforms and it is a practical and attractive job salary-wise. My mother also thinks it is a nice job for girls. I’ve never travelled beyond Japan although I am very interested in travelling. I know I need to acquire enough English to realize my career goal. So I’m thinking of studying for the TOEIC. Perhaps you can recommend a good textbook for me. (Hisa)

Also, unlike motivated students, they were more cynical even though they learned to adapt to their context.

First, I was disappointed with my class. My English skills continue to slip from when I was a high school student and even though I was quite confident in English and thought that I could

become good at it, since I came to the university, my confidence slipped quickly. But I’m not the competitive type. I’m easy going. I managed to come this far without participating in the entrance examination hell. I just want peace to pursue my own interests. A majority of the university classes are taught without regard to what we think. I don’t think they care to make their topics interesting or intriguing for us. It’s like watching propaganda TV. It’s a parade of ego and its something that we need to deal with until we graduate. (Taka)

It is noteworthy, however, that the interview records for this cohort during the registration period at the term beginning when students are generally allowed to petition for a class change show that of the 49 requests for class change, 32 requests were made because the petitioner wanted to be in a class where other students are motivated, the class content is more challenging, the instructor is more energetic and competent, and opportunities to use English are abundant as indicated in the following narrative:

I would really like to move to another class. I know it’s my fault. I did not study enough on my own and that is why my TOEFL scores went down. I do not blame anyone but myself.

But I don’t know how to study on my own that well and I would really like to be surrounded by students who stimulate my desire to learn. I know I need to be stronger and ignore distractions.

But it’s really difficult to try to speak in English when my speaking partners don’t really want to speak and behave coldly. I really want to study in Mel’s class because I know that the class will challenge me. I have joined the international student support group so I can interact with English speakers. I really want to become an English speaker. That is why I am in this university. (Nao)

It turns out that Nao, whose entry TOEFL score was 370 and who did not make marked progress in her L2 learning for nearly a year and was not particularly motivated to learn English, was able after travel to the United States to make a marked improvement in her L2 skills and raise her TOEFL scores to 430 at the end of the EAP program. Hence, as research indicates, motivation is dynamic and certain experiences do interact with individual variables to affect a major change in learner behavior.

Conclusion

The present study underscores, first and foremost, that implementing a successful

EAP program is a vastly challenging undertaking. The EAP program examined in this

study was only marginally successful from a statistical point of view since the TOEFL ITP

scores for a cohort of 293 students showed only a 6-point average gain in a 2-year period as shown in Table 1 above. However, I contend that there is more going on in the EAP program than what the statistics show and hope that what has been obscured by averages and aggregates that divide people into dichotomies or slice them into quartiles is discoverable in the ethnography where the participants’ voices can be heard. Therefore, the answer to the first research question regarding the extent to which participants develop proficiency in academic English in an EAP program is that when the optimal conditions are met, a majority of the students, even those with low proficiency levels, will develop adequate levels of academic skills that are only partially measurable by TOEFL-ITP. The benefits of EAP that TOEFL-ITP cannot measure include critical thinking and writing skills.

The benefits also include dispositions such as intellectual curiosity, intellectual perseverance, responsible learner behavior, and self-advocacy that are important for success in the university some of which were captured through the ethnography.

This study gives support to what previous research has shown: Motivation is dynamic and its change is mediated by context. Context includes the class in which the participants find themselves (whose characteristics are partially defined by instructional materials and strategies, the classroom players including the instructor and the students), as well as the various communities within and beyond the university in which the L2 learners interact. Furthermore, the study has shown that context that enabled the participants to create a L2 community in which to practice using English for authentic communication and expression of the self strengthened their ideal L2-self-image and motivation. Conversely, context that restrained the participants damped motivation and hurt the participants’

self-esteem.

Yet what this study also suggests is that context does not affect individuals uniformly. Instead, as Ushioda noted (2009), participants responded to the context in different ways that demonstrated their uniqueness as self-agents. For example, some participants actively sought and joined a community of L2 users and a community of supporters to strengthen their motivation. They also operationalized their ideal self-image by crafting and following effective study plans autonomously. On the other hand, those participants who found themselves in an unfavorable context managed to restore their motivation and move forward toward realizing their goals by evoking their early international experiences and family history or by psychologically disengaging themselves from negative interactions in unfavorable contexts.

Finally, to the question of what issues and limitations need to be considered in

implementing an EAP program, it must be first pointed out that gathering a cadre of

motivated instructors, well-trained and well-experienced in teaching EAP in a Japanese university context, is the key to successful implementation. Unfortunately, such instructors are extremely difficult to recruit in Japan where much of the teaching in the university has been in general purpose English. Therefore, appropriate mechanisms for supervision and mentoring of instructors and adequate resources for effective professional development opportunities for the staff need to be in place. Furthermore, looking at the issue of students, an academic readiness program, similar to the bridge program held in universities in the United States that attempts to increase chances of success for academically underprepared students is likely to enhance the EAP program.

In closing, I will stress that an EAP program cannot exist in an environment that does not share its ethos. Hence, the university has to create an ethos where not only the EAP program but also other educational programs are held accountable by articulation of goals and standards and assessments of learning outcomes. The university must invest in the creation of structures and systems that support the L2 and other learning communities and international exchange.

Notes

1 For a comprehensive documentation of academic literacy expectations, see Intersegmental Committee of the Academic Senate (2002). Academic Literacy: A Statement of Competencies Expected of Participants Entering California’s Public Colleges and Universities. Sacramento CA.

2 Kubota uses the term critical literacy to indicate an approach to literacy education that endorses the learning of the dominant language and cultural codes, including critical thinking by demystifying, critically examining, and ultimately, appropriating it to create different meanings.

3 Academic readiness here means academic literacy—knowledge, skills, and disposition to pursue a university education in a first or “native” language.

4 A distinction is made between second language learning and foreign language learning. In this section that discusses previous research, I use the term second language (L2) and second language learning (L2 learning) in keeping with the practice in the field.

5 Lave and Wenger view learning as a social activity in which learners increase their participation in the communities of practice as they acquire knowledge, skills, and understandings of the subject they are learning. Bourdieu’s social theory asserts that individual agency is constrained by social structure because individuals inherit different amount of social, economic and cultural capital and different habitual way of behaving and understanding the world, and that these differences makes it easier for some individuals to succeed in some fields (e.g. school) than others.

6 The original cohort had 325 participants. However, 32 participants could not be included in this study because they did not have the official TOEFL-ITP scores from beginning and/or end of their studies in the EAP program.

7 A 2-unit language course consists of 3 contact hours (2 koma) per week.

8 TOEFL iBT is an Internet-based Test that tests participants in all four skill areas—listening, speaking, reading, and writing. This is the standard test used by universities in the United States and elsewhere to

evaluate the admissions qualifications of their applicants.

9 Instructors who taught in the program identified participants who were motivated based on their attendance, class preparation and participation, and quality of work at the end of the Year 1 in order to supplement the results of the streaming test in order to better place participants in appropriate Year 2 classes.

10 How an EAP program develops the students’ critical thinking and writing skills has been addressed in another study by this author.

Acknowlegements

I wish to thank Sandra Katzman, and my colleagues at Meiji Gakuin University for their support. I also wish to thank two anonymous reviewers for their suggestions for the manuscript.

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