Othering and intragroup othering

In the interviews for this study, several respondents spoke about being othered by the Japanese. Respondents often spoke of being labeled with stereotypical images of being western.

These stereotypes are rarely offensive in their actual words, but the problem is found in the constant repetition and improper labeling of an individual. The clear separation Japanese create between the host culture and the co-culture can be disconcerting for many LTWs who wish to be a part of their adopted community without always being reminded they are different.

Westerners tend to be lumped together in Japan and not recognized for their variety of backgrounds, ethnic groups and individual accomplishments. Many respondents have

commented on the term gaijin as only offensive if meant to be so, but in general they do not find it offensive. Many would prefer to be called by their country of origin rather than the grouping term gaijin. There is a strong case as the term is a tool of “othering”, because of the reactions it can promote and define in a simple package.

In general, Japanese identity, through the process of “othering” put non-Japanese in opposition to themselves in terms of class, culture and ethnicity (Lie 2000). Reader (2003)

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explained in a book review of how both Harumi Beffu and Eiji Oguma’s books on the

Nihonjinron display the perpetuated myth of homogeneity often woven in Japanese thought.

The Nihonjinron acts as a basis for much of the othering experienced by non-Japanese. Weiner (2009) follows up on the unnecessary acts of othering done within the Japanese construct, which are acts mostly fortified with the falsity of homogeneity. The term “ethnoracial,” rather than the culturally based term “ethnocentric,” has also been used to describe the combination of race, ethnicity, and nationality in Japan (Hogan 2009). This is to define the shared genetic and cultural heritage of nationalistic based Japanese and what is central to claims that Japan is a homogenetic society (Moorehead 2010).

There were several respondents who spoke of how the Japanese other foreign residents into groups and have false images of them. A strong feeling of “us” versus “them” in

intercultural interactions was present in some excerpts from the interviews. One respondent, Lee, explained it this way:

I have not been discriminated against in way that contained any personal malice, but by virtue of being a foreigner, there have been occasions where that has been pointed out, so to speak, and therefore essentially that has been a discrimination, but it's never been with any sort of malice. The Japanese people that made their

comments were doing so in humor, but quite conscious of the fact that they were pointing out that I was a foreigner.

They call out gaijin or mothers and fathers that you would hear talking about some foreigners in the park. They use the word gaijin, which it not necessarily a derogatory term in and of itself, but often in the context of how it's used, it obviously does make a distinction between them and us and so, in that way, you could say it was

discrimination. I stress again, it's not necessarily with any malice. (Lee: 3)

Lee stressed twice that he realizes no “malice” is intended and fully understands no intentional harm is meant. One reason he makes a point to explain he understands what his Japanese counterparts mean is because in the past when he has tried to explain his feelings to Japanese he was told he does not understand their intentions. This occurred early in his stay and it presents a conundrum which needs to be addressed by all LTW. If someone who is ignorant of the co-culture breaks the rules within the host culture’s construct, which culture should change? A fair answer may be both, but the realistic one is most likely the co-culture, but

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with the goal of educating the host culture to change over time. When Lee confirms his

understanding, he has already accepted the situation but continues to explain his feelings so as to hopefully inject some change into the host culture. This is a learned action from years of experience of being told that he does not understand that Japanese are not trying to be hurtful.

The term gaijin can be used in either a derogatory or harmless way. This depends on the varying levels of sensitivity from person to person. Experience over time helps smooth out possibly volatile exchanges from happening. Some respondents professed even over time they cannot get used to the bombardment of verbal flubs:

No, when it comes to (style of martial art). I've been practicing for 17 years now. I'm 100 percent assimilated. I'm godan, I'll challenge for rokudan¹³ in May. I have all the rights and privileges and expectations of anybody else in my shoes. I love it.

For some reason, just to sit there and eat with other parents and kids and have to reintroduce myself and have to start from zero and put up with the, you use

chopsticks, or you can eat this, you eat sushi. I just can't deal with it.

At the same time, I don't want to tell these people off because I have respect for them that their kids and my kids are best friends. I just can't tell them to go take a

leap off a pier. My way of dealing with that is just don't get involved whatsoever. I would never share that on Facebook. I would never tell anybody that to be honest.

(Chris: 3)

Chris showed a variance in how he has acclimated himself into one community through years of effort while finding it difficult to create relationships with other parents in his

children’s school groups. He has chosen complete separation from that group rather than trying to explain who he is all over again. He also stated he would never openly comment on this to SNS groups, but there were others who shared the same sentiment. They have just learned to keep complaints of certain stressful areas of the culture to themselves. Both Lee and Chris recognize no malice by the Japanese is intended, but there is still the feeling of a line being drawn between them and the Japanese person they are speaking with. This type of interaction has been dubbed a “microaggressions.” This is when the actions or comments of a host culture member create separation between them and the co-culture member they are speaking to. While

13 Rokudan is translated literally as six (roku) and rank or level (dan) or sixth degree black belt.

Godan is fifth rank or fifth degree black belt.

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not intentional, they experience a constant barrage of similar assumptions which can create stress for co-culture members. These examples above show even over the long-term certain stereotypical images are constantly experienced in the Japanese community, which can complicate the process and balance needed to obtain self-sameness. Both of the individuals above have developed a one-way solution by dealing with this disparity in their own way. Chris expects no change, while Lee tries to incorporate change through continuing to comment with caution. There are no hard and fast rules, but for their styles to be successful, their actions need to be accepted by the host culture. Otherwise, if these disparities are not addressed by the individual, the friction created from these differences can become the seeds of psychological stress and a narrowing of the individual’s functional space within their community.

While it is true that westerners are given a pass that other foreign groups in Japan do not receive, one similar trait foreign groups have is the presence of othering fellow group members.

Many of those interviewed described what kind of foreigner in Japan they do not wish to be like or associated with. Several examples may be when a respondent associates learning martial arts or learning tea ceremony as selling out and acting outside of their boundaries. Others mentioned they never want to one of those foreigners who has lived and worked in Japan for 20 years and is not able to communicate in Japanese. This intragroup othering has been observed in other migrant communities in America as well. Selective acculturation (Portes and Rumbaut 2001) has been applied to migrants who try to distance themselves from what they perceive as a bad image of those in their own ethnic group. The definition of “bad” is relevant to which type of migrant the individual self identifies with. A westerner who does not wish to connect with the host culture will value protecting the non-Japanese aspects of their own self while those who wish to better integrate tend to distance themselves from ethnocentrically based western styles.

There was a study done on Peruvian immigrants in Japan that discussed similar instances in which migrants referred to not wanting to be associated to “bad foreigners” and sought a more positive image of a “good foreigner” who gets along with the community and

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follows the rules (Moorehead 2010: 3). In many ways Peruvians, who have low socioeconomic status would have a hard time choosing to remain ethnocentric over the long-term. Those who do not learn about Japan would most likely leave or become pariahs. Westerners can choose either and still have the ability to find work that suits their skills set. Migrants resist the stigma applied to the identities of other foreigners and do not apply this to themselves (Lacy 2007; Lamont 2009). This is an adaptive response (Pyke and Dang 2003) and forms a moral boundary (Lamont 2000) in their struggle to avert the stigmatization of being a “bad” foreigner.

This has also been called “intraethnic othering” (Pyke and Dang 2003).

Westerners come from different national, ethnic, racial, and economic backgrounds so this term may not be accurate in some respects, but for the purpose of this study intragroup othering has shown to be relevant within the interview data. Those who I interviewed did not use such labels specifically, but certain adaptive strategies they did not wish to utilize were referred to.

Interestingly, the examples of “othering” came from various angles, especially when the topic of assimilation came up. I used Berry’s definition of assimilation, which is defined as a migrant absorbing the majority of the host culture’s attributes and abandoning others. This definition fits very few westerners who tend not to integrate to that level, but opt for the halfway mixed approach creating the personalized hybrid situation. One respondent when asked if she was assimilated in Japan said the following:

Absolutely not. Definitely not, I think there must be like one person in a million who might answer, "Yeah, of course my friends accept me, and I'm Japanese. I love

ikebana and whatever martial arts."(Barbara: 2)

It was not uncommon for traditional arts to be used to describe other LTW to separate themselves from a specific type of westerner where the appropriation of anything Japanese may seem like they are selling out. More examples of this are introduced in the typological

explanation in Chapter 5.

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The topics amassed in this literary framework act as an important conceptual

foundation to the original empirical work presented in this study. The next chapter will begin to explain the qualitative and quantitative measures collected along for this study.

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