Battleground Issues on Education Costs
2. Campaign Pledges and Manifestos (1) The Start of the Manifesto Election
feasible to save is during the period of the child’s compulsory education. Yet, as that is a time when the parents’ incomes are inadequate, there is a limit to the amounts that can be saved. Moreover, in recent years, the Japanese employment system has broken down, and it is no longer possible to expect income to rise with age. Under these circumstances, it is obvious that the birth rate will decrease.
Moreover, because of the declining number of children, we see a structure of pour-ing money even more resolutely into education costs (Yano, 1996).
With public services, there is a benefit versus cost relationship. Concerning the benefit, there is the question of whether the recipient of this benefit is only the individual or whether the society also benefits, and based on this, whether the cost burden should be considered a private one or if there are grounds for receiving funds from tax revenues. Moreover, Yano (2013) calculated the percentage share of social revenue and that of fiscal revenue to show that public finance expenditure in universities is an efficient public investment. Nevertheless, the popularization of university brought into question a deeply rooted issue in ordinary Japanese society, namely, doubts concerning the social benefit of university education. In particular, according to Yano’s research, about 70% to 80% held the opinion that it should be the individual’s or the family’s burden. Moreover, the distribution of opinion showed no significant correlations with any particular social strata. In fact, post-war higher education in Japan has relied on private schools, and this system has been supported by family budgets that have prioritized education. It is probably due to these circumstances that this mindset toward education has come to be considered as matter of fact. Moreover, the government has positioned university education very low in its order of priorities. This issue is really not about the choice of whether it should be the household budget or the government that bears the entire burden; rather, it is ultimately about establishing a realistic mindset that is accepting of an appropriate balance between the two (Yano, 2013).
In Japan, where there is a low awareness of the social benefit provided by educa-tion, only the private investment side is emphasized. If one’s view on education is to emphasize equal treatment of students at school, and almost oversensitively to make demands on the selection methods for entrance examinations, etc., such as that they must be based on equity, then ultimately one’s view will also regard the responsibility for academic performance to lie with the individual. The unsuc-cessful person must be content with reflecting in hindsight that his or her own efforts were not enough, while the successful person can consider the result to be that of his or her efforts. What is lacking here, however, is the perspective that asks whether it was a fortunate learning environment (whether there were significant differences in the actual learning environment between people), and that acknowl-edges that there are various social support mechanisms at play here that are not in plain view. It is not unnatural to think that education is deeply established in society and raises the people’s intellectual level, which in turn has some kind of overall positive effect on society. However, this is not something that can be easily measured, and the reality of the situation can be difficult to grasp. Consequently, the current situation arises in which only households burdened with education costs call for a reduction of the burden, while other people lose interest in the issue
of education. This would then likely become reflected in the view (incidentally, one based on individualism) that under the currently difficult fiscal situation, “if there is such financial leeway in public expenditure to spend on education, then I want it diverted to my own post-retirement social security,” (Hamanaka, 2013:
228–232).
The remaining two chapters, including this one, focus on opinions and percep-tions of the government, the state, and policies implemented by the government.
Under the current system of indirect democracy, the most common method of realizing the policies one would wish for is the act of voting. Moreover, the bodies that present these policy options are the political parties. Let us look back at how the political parties have been involved, or not been involved, in the issue of educa-tion costs, and how the people have reacted to these policies.
2. Campaign Pledges and Manifestos
stratification) were variables that have an impact on voter behavior even today, but arguments based on income had hardly any explanatory power (Hirano, 2007:
15–30, 85–103).
However, the electoral system of the single-seat constituency with proportional representation was introduced for the House of Representatives, and this gener-ated a real feeling of regime change. If the ideological differences were unclear, voters would have to decide for whom to vote by different factors not dependent on left-right ideology. What the DPJ presented for voters to see here was their
“Manifesto.”
In the U.K., which was where the manifesto originated, a “manifesto” normally does not contain the “numerical targets, achievement deadlines, or specific finan-cial resources” of a specific policy, which have become the norm in recent years.
In Japan, as a result of the introduction of the single-seat constituency system, the role as a delegate of the people became clearer in the sense that political par-ties reflected the opinions of the voters. Consequently, the method of winning the voters’ selection by proposing concrete policies was given great importance and adopted. This is despite the fact that a manifesto in its place of origin, the U.K., refers to the ideological guidelines of a political party. In Japan, this is not what was considered to be a manifesto; rather, it was the concrete policy itself that came to be called the manifesto. Not only that, but as the political parties regarded the manifesto as a mandate from the voters, they became bound to the content of their manifesto; and when they were unable to deliver what was written in the mani-festo, they were criticized for “breaching the manifesto.” While the ideological differences by political party were unclear, the political parties had to be selected by the single-seat constituency system. Moreover, the increasing number of unaf-filiated voters led to the promotion of a kind of election that presupposed the importance of this Japanese version of the manifesto (Nakakita, 2012).4
(2) Historical Transitions of Battleground Issues in Elections
To a certain degree, the battleground issues and the voters’ concerns for the elec-tion were of course reflected in not only the Japanese version of the manifesto that came to function in this way but also in the conventional campaign pledges that the political parties had always made. However, among all of this, what kind of attention was given to education? With the high cost of education having been such a talking point up until then, surely it must have become an issue of debate in the election.
According to the data of public opinion polls conducted by The Association for Promoting Fair Elections after the national elections from 1972 to 2000, the vari-ous concerns raised as battleground issues of the elections from the viewpoints of voters were those closely connected with daily life and the economy, such as “cost of living and the economy,” “welfare and nursing care,” “the tax system,” and “eco-nomic recession.” There was an impression that the issues of “cleaning up politics, morals, and reform” were common issues covered by the mass media; but, in fact, focus was only given to these issues when political turmoil or corruption scandals surfaced. Although the issues of “education and culture” and “agriculture” were
stably selected, on average, the percentage given to these was a little over 10 %, ris-ing to 20% in 2000, against a backdrop of discourses of lax education and increas-ing brutality of juvenile crimes. However, the issue of defense and that of the constitution, which are strongly reflected in the ideology of the political parties, did not rate that highly as battleground issues in the eyes of the voters (Taniguchi, 2005: 19–23).
This begs the question: just what were the battleground issues in the elec-tions? Table 7-1 shows the characterizing traits of the elections of the House of Representatives in the post-war era, and the issues extracted by the author from a list of campaign pledges and manifestos of each political party featured in the Asahi Shimbun. In most cases, the method adopted for compiling the campaign pledges was as follows. The main items such as “diplomacy,” “defense,” and “cost of living,” present at the time of the election, were selected; and the policies of each political party were organized according to these items. The battleground issues were considered basically to be those items that were the topics that had become battleground issues during the election; and these were the issues selected.
Moreover, although the LDP, which was the ruling party, hardly ever referred to education in the election, education was touched on by opposition parties such as the JSP and the JCP. With respect to this point, the author made the slightly arbi-trary judgment that the policies of the ruling party had a tendency to be realized, and that these reasonably had an impact on later policy. Therefore, when an issue was not largely discussed by the ruling party, it was not deemed to have been an active battleground issue in the election.
Looking at these issues, for some time after the war, there was a strong ten-dency for the battleground issues to clearly represent those of ideological differ-ences between the political parties related to diplomacy and defense, such as the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan, the Self-Defense Forces, and defense expenditure. However, these issues gradually became lower in order of priority. In particular, after the conclusion of the Cold War, the issues that were given higher priority were the consumption tax, public finance reform, the economy, and social security issues. The issues in which the voters shared a concern were those intricately connected to daily life, such as the cost of living, the economy, and the tax system. Accordingly, it was these issues that were actively treated as the battleground issues in most elections.
There have been many elections where education was never raised as a battle-ground issue. Even when battlebattle-ground issues on education were raised, these were not necessarily given high priority. Moreover, when there were battleground issues on education, they were often not centered on issues of public finance, but rather on issues of ideology. The election for the House of Representatives in 2003 was a rare occasion at which the revision on the Basic Act on Education was discussed and the field of education was given priority as a battleground issue of the election.
At this time, the Koizumi administration had followed a course of “nothing-is-sacred structural reform.” The issue of the National Treasury’s share of the expense of compulsory education had become a topic of debate, but this debate did not have the image of being a broad discussion among the people (aside from people
Election Name Date
Held Election Highlights Main Contested Issues
(based on Asahi Shimbun) Contested Issues on Education 32nd
Diet Dec.
27, 1969
Sato Cabinet. LDP and friendly independents obtained 300 seats.
JSP lost badly. NK and JCP strongly improved. Trend toward multiple parties in cities.
Security Treaty and return of Okinawa, rising cost of living, tax reductions, rice production
Measures to calm univer-sity conflicts
33rd Diet Dec.
10, 1972
Tanaka Cabinet. Plan for Remodeling the Japanese Archipelago, constraining cost of living, social welfare issues (pension, free medical care for elderly, etc.)
None
34th
Diet Dec. 5,
1976 Miki Cabinet. Election called due to expiration of term of office for existing members of the House of Representatives. Lockheed Scandal.
Inquiry into Lockheed, clean up politics, electoral system, stabilize cost of living, Security Treaty, diplomacy with China
Elimination of knowl-edge-skewed education, everyone advancing to senior high school, assis-tance for private schools 35th
Diet Oct. 7,
1979 Ohira Cabinet “Tax Increase
Dissolution.” “Tax increase” including admin-istrative reform and introduction of general consumption tax, inflation and energy policies, fixing political corruption, welfare and public burden, diplomacy with USSR
Enhancement of local national universities, establishment of open university, entrance examination reform such as universal examination for university admission 36th
Diet Jun. 22,
1980 Ohira Cabinet “Accidental Dissolution,” Prime Minister Ohira dies during the period of election campaign. LDP recovers seats.
Cost of living (inflation) measures, welfare and the public burden (realization of Japanese-style welfare society), energy poli-cies, Security Treaty and defense, administrative reform, cleaning up politics
Limiting class sizes to 40, eliminating examination hell, providing more relaxed education
37th Diet Dec.
18, 1983
Nakasone Cabinet “Tanaka Decision Dissolution.” Former PM Tanaka found guilty in Lockheed Scandal, LDP majority was broken.
Treatment of former PM Tanaka, increase or reduce tax?, nuclear disarmament, defense budget interlocking with 1% GNP, MHW plan for 80% co-payment for the employee’s health insur-ance, agricultural products liberalization
School system reform, enrichment of moral edu-cation, realization of 40 class limits (elimination of violence in schools)
38th Diet Jul. 6,
1986 Nakasone Cabinet “Pretending to be Dead Dissolution.” LDP gain 300 seats alone. JSP obtains less than 100 seats in big defeat.
Constitution, political ethics, administrative reform, tax reduc-tion and introducreduc-tion of large indirect tax, yen appreciation measures, diplomacy and defense, nuclear power, Japanese welfare society
Elimination of bully-ing, criticism of societal emphasis on education, emphasis on morals and individuality, entrance examination reform, reduction of education burden by assistance to public schools and schol-arship system, promoting class sizes of 40 (35) 39th
Diet Jan. 24,
1990 Kaifu Cabinet “Consumption Tax Dissolution.” LDP loses to JSP in the 1989 House of Councilors election. LDP lost seats. JSP gained seats, but other opposition parties lost seats. After Recruit Scandal.
Selection of administration between liberalism and coali-tion between JSP, NK, and DSP, consumption tax, political corruption, rice problem, military expansion, land measures
None
Table 7-1 Post-War House of Representative Elections and Contested Issues
Election Name Date
Held Election Highlights Main Contested Issues
(based on Asahi Shimbun) Contested Issues on Education 22nd
Diet Apr. 10,
1946 Final election under Empire of Japan Constitution. First post-war election as universal suffrage election. Shidehara Cabinet.
Inflation, food, Emperor System, industrial reconstruction, unemployment measures, land problems
None
23rd
Diet Apr. 25,
1947 Yoshida Cabinet. Multiple-seat
constituency. Inflation, food, state control of
economy and industry None
24th
Diet Jan. 23,
1949 First general election under Constitution of Japan. Yoshida Cabinet “Collusion Dissolution.”
Inflation, company tion, administrative reorganiza-tion, industrial revival
None
25th
Diet Oct. 1,
1952 Yoshida Cabinet “Surprise Dissolution.” Election of com-mittee members directly after introduction of public election system for education committee.
Rice prices, rearmament, tax reduction, tax deduction, unem-ployment measures, small and medium enterprise measures.
Support of 6-3 System, National Treasury’s share of expenses of compul-sory education system, scholarship system 26th
Diet Apr. 19,
1953 Yoshida Cabinet “Bakayaro
Dissolution.” State control of industry, rearma-ment (National Security Force), strike regulation, rice price, tax reduction, emergency measures for demand economy, small and medium enterprise measures.
None
27th
Diet Feb. 27,
1955 Hatayama Cabinet “Voice of
Heaven Dissolution.” Tax reduction, housing, rice (staple food), Self-Defense Forces, unemployment measures, trade with China/USSR
None
28th
Diet May 22,
1958 Kishi Cabinet “Discussion Dissolution.” First general elec-tion after Conservative Alliance.
Post-war record for highest voter turnout.
Security Treaty System, Self-Defense Forces, nuclear issue, diplomacy with the USSR and China, new economic 5-year plan, small and medium size enterprise measures, national pen-sion, constitutional amendment
Moral education (time in school curriculum), teacher work performance evaluation, elimination of overcrowded classes.
29th Diet Nov.
20, 1960
Ikeda Cabinet “Security Treaty Dissolution.” Election follow-ing split of JSP and Democratic Sociality Party (DSP). Election following enactment of Security Treaty. Assassination of Inejiro Asanuma, Chairman of JSP just before the election.
Security Treaty system (estab-lished by the time of the election), nuclear armament and Self-Defense Forces, diplomacy with China/USSR, “Income Doubling Plan (economic growth),” trade liberalization, prevention of utili-ties’ rates rise, tax reduction or tax increase to wealthy, contribution-type national pension.
Basic Act on Education, moral education, teacher work performance evaluation
30th Diet Nov.
21, 1963
Ikeda Cabinet “Mood Dissolution” or “Doubling Income Dissolution.”
Rise in consumer prices, diplo-matic disputes such as Japan and Korea, and nuclear submarine port call.
Free compulsory educa-tion, making senior high school compulsory, university administra-tive freedom from government.
31st
Diet Jan. 29,
1967 Sato Cabinet “Black Mist Dissolution.” New Komeito (NK) obtained seats for the first time in a House of Representative election.
Cleaning up politics, diplomacy with China, Security Treaty, defense issue, issuance of govern-ment bonds
None
in the field of education). Moreover, needless to say, the debate that was conducted over the revisions to the Basic Act on Education stressed ideologically based battle-ground issues.
In relation to issues directly concerning the public finance of education, educa-tion costs and tuieduca-tion fees, and the establishment of the system for the Naeduca-tional Treasury’s share of expenses for compulsory education, as discussed in Chapter 6, became battleground issues in the 25th House of Representatives election, which was held soon after the war. At the time, fiscal resources were insufficient, and the strong advice of the MOF and the Local Government Agency was to put together a budget based on ordinary fiscal resources. Moreover, because the establishment of the 6-3 System had been widely supported among the public, the conservative forces also found it difficult to back a proposal that would make cuts to the educa-tion budget related to compulsory educaeduca-tion. However, aside from the reform-ists, the ruling LDP, even when raising the issue of education as a battleground issue, practically made no proposals related to mitigating the household’s burden of education costs. In the 1970s, the issue of providing subsidies to private schools was raised; however, as already explained, priority was given to the “beneficiary- pays principle” due to the government’s fiscal difficulties, and the tuition fees at national universities underwent fee rises to “appropriate prices.” These policies did not lead to any easing of the household’s education cost burden.
Considering this, the 45th election of the House of Representatives deserves special mention because the specific policy to reduce the education cost burden of households became a battleground issue. The child rearing support policies of the DPJ centered on the child allowance marked a switch in policy from the stance that child rearing was a private responsibility of the parents to one emphasizing society’s responsibility: namely, rearing the children who later financially support the social security of senior citizens should be carried out under societal and pub-lic responsibility. In particular, child allowance came as a set, together with the removal of income-based means testing and the abolishment of the spousal deduc-tion system. The reason for this was to establish child allowance based on universal principles. A very significant element of this policy’s intention is to signify that child rearing is a societal responsibility. It was pointed out that the spousal deduc-tion system had been an impediment to the economic autonomy of women, and it was also necessary from the viewpoint of promoting the gender equality agenda.
By introducing the inclusion of fertility treatment in health insurance, childbirth payment, child allowance, dispensing of fees for senior high schools, and enhance-ment of scholarships, balance was restored to the welfare policies that were skewed toward senior citizens. It was a package that provided social support for children’s growth and independence. From this perspective, the policy signified an impor-tant policy shift and was therefore not simply a case of “fiscal laxity.”
However, there were not a large number of members of parliament within the DPJ Government that understood the architecture of these policies, the important foundational principles of which were not shared among the members of parlia-ment. Furthermore, because the budget was a strain on fiscal resources, when the issues of the policy were raised, attention was only given to the monetary ones.
Election Name Date
Held Election Highlights Main Contested Issues
(based on Asahi Shimbun) Contested Issues on Education 40th
Diet Jul. 18,
1993 Miyazawa Cabinet “Lying Dissolution.” Boom of new parties following LDP split. LDP became opposition for the first time. JSP also lost many seats.
Rice deregulation problem, income tax reduction, consump-tion tax
None
41st
Diet Oct. 20,
1996 Hashimoto Cabinet. First election by single-seat constituency. LDP and New Frontier Party (NFP) were largest two political parties.
DPJ became third largest party.
Downturn for Social Democratic Party (formerly SPJ).
5% consumption tax, administra-tive reform (ministerial reform), legal framework for war contin-gencies, becoming a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, company group contri-butions, history recognition
None
42nd
Diet Jun. 25,
2000 Mori Cabinet “Divine Nation
Dissolution.” Economic measures including public works investment, choice of social insurance method and tax method of pension
None
43rd
Diet Nov. 9,
2003 Koizumi Cabinet. After the Liberal Party and the DPJ formed a coalition, a sense of two-party politics between the LDP and the DPJ. Manifestos were released.
Revision of Basic Act on
Education, free expressways Revision of Basic Act on Education
44th
Diet Sep. 11,
2005 Koizumi Cabinet “Postal Business Dissolution.” Overwhelming vic-tory by LDP. DPJ failed to make pension a contested issue.
Privatization of Japan Post, economic and fiscal reform, reduction of public servants, pen-sion, child allowance
None
45th Diet Aug.
30, 2009
Aso Cabinet. Big loss by LDP.
DPJ obtains 300 seats. Change of Government. The number of early votes was a record high.
Economic measures (employ-ment measures), pension reform, income compensation for agricultural income, abolition of gasoline tax, free expressway, medical system for late-stage senior citizens
Child allowance, free senior high school, improved university scholarship system
46th Diet Dec.
16, 2012
Noda Cabinet. Big loss by DPJ, power recovered by LDP and NK.
Second Abe Government.
Economic growth strategy, TPP, energy policy such as the nuclear issue, reconstruction, consump-tion tax, social security, constitu-tional amendment
Education system reform, emphasis on academic fundamentals, school text books, university entrance examinations, action against bullying problem