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properties of Mongolian SLC which I showed are as follows: (i) It does not exhibit Case-matching effects; (ii) It can optionally accommodate copulas; (iii) It exhibits sloppy identity; (iv) It can accommodate non-wh remnants; and (v) It can accommodate multiple remnants. Mongolian cleft sentences exhibit the following properties: (i) The pivot must bear nominative Case; (ii) It can accommodate wh-phrases; (iii) Copulas can optionally follow the pivot; (iv) Adjuncts cannot be in the pivot; and (v) Multiple cleft is impossible.
In chapter 4, I first illustrated the possible application of the cleft analysis to Mongolian SLC. Based on the possibility of pro-drop and argument ellipsis in Mongolian, I showed that the cleft analysis could apparently apply to Mongolian SLC in the same way as the one of Japanese SLC proposed by Nishiyama, Whitman and Yi (1996) and Saito (2004). However, I offered some arguments against such an approach in terms of the function and the distribution of the PPC, the distribution of copulas and copular particles, and the (im)possibility of multiple sluicing and multiple cleft. I have shown that these arguments seem to suggest the implausibility of the cleft analysis of Mongolian SLC and require a reconsideration of Kizu (1997) and Craenenbroeck and Lipák’s (2007, 2009) claim that “sluicing” in wh-in-situ languages is uniformly derived from cleft.
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