MAIN CONCERNS OF JAPANESE GEOGRAPHERS FOR CHRISTALLER S THESIS WITH REFERENCE
TO THE CASES OF OTHER COUNTRIES
Yuuji TATSuOKA
Abstract This paper examines in what contexts Christaller s thesis was introduced into Japanese geography. The main findings are summarized as follows:1)Central place studies in the narrower sense underwent little development except for several pioneering works by Yoshio Watanabe, so that more or less systematic introduction was rather late after Christaller became well−known;2)his ideas have been instrumental in studies on functional regions and their hierarchical relationships, while substantial contribution was little in the studies of the tributary area of cities, where frequent references to his name were made;3)before the mid−sixties location theory research had little to do with central place studies, though the translation of his book was done by a location theorist.
1.Introduction
The field of central place study has many facets in the tradition of settlement geography and economic geography. H owever, the theme in its narrower sense is that of verificationラrefinement, or modification of Christaller s original thesis, or that of integrating it with other theories or models. Thus critical investigation of the contexts of introduction of his ideas is required in the historical research on central place studies.
Unlike material innovations, intellectual innovations seem to proceed in the process of repeated re−invention (Rogers,1981, pp.499−501)from one group to another. This suggests that the study of transfering of a scientific thesis has to take into account fully the background of each group. In other words, each group has its own research tradition within which they interpret a new idea, when it became accepted. Besides this process by itself diversifying the interpretations of this idea among groups, the existence of plural routes of transference, consisting of groups with their respective traditions and concerns,
multiplies the diversity。 Thus, the examination has to take into account this diversity and
compare the various interpretations among groups on purpose to reveal with what
concerns each group had accepted it, and what results their concerns brOught upon both
the development of the thesis itself and their research tradition. In the case of transfering
Christaller s ideas into Japanese geography, many groups participated in this process other than those in Japan・At least four sets of groups, geographers in Germany, Britain,
America and N orthern Europe, deserve to be mentioned, though the last one must have been much less influential because of limited circulation of their works in Japan. Many
relevant problems may be taken up:how each group interpreted Christaller;what concerns they had;and to what degree their concern corresponded to those of Japanese geographers. ThiS preparatory research restricts the subject matter to the following:
1)As regards the contexts of Japanese geographers, only when , by whom , and from what stance of the introduction are examined.
2)The secondary origins of the diffusion are limited to some prominent works by German, British, and American scholars, and the characteristics of their interpretation are touched upon slightly. Possible connections of Japanese geographers with
geographers in other countries and scholars in other disciplines are also omitted. It must be noted that Japanese national planning in the prewar period had strong ties with that of N azi Germany. For example, many reference materials, including L6sch s book, were brought in and studied at the Ministry of the Interior(Keizaichirigakkai,1984, pp.244−
245).Eiyo Ishikawa, a city planner, offered a schema of hierarchical system of seikatsuken (spheres of living)in his book(Ishikawa,1942), in which human activities were classified into five types from daily to annual;each type of activity had its own sphere of living as its spatial expression, which overlapped the others to become a structure of nation. This system resembled Christaller s schema on the administrative principle(k=7). Ishikawa tested his schema at Kanto Province and used it for his proposed planning of Tohoku Province.
3)The period examined is ten or fifteen years, from the early 1950s to mid 1960s. It is rather difficult to measure the degree of acceptance of Christaller s ideas accurately,
mainly because of the variety of positions taken, as will be discussed in Chapter 4. Except for the publication of the Japanese translation of Christaller(1933) s text in 1969, there are no events conspicuous enough to be used for dividing the process into several phases.
Even some of the early references to him had already lookedupon his thesis as well−
known. This suggests that before fomlal communication took it up, informal ones promoted the circulation to some degree. In spite of these circumstances, increasing papers devoted to central place studies in the late sixties could be an indication of a new stage. Consequently, only the works before that period are investigated here.
4)Any kind of report, that is, original article, review, or textbook, which refers to Christaller is the object of this study regardless of the field to which the report belongs.
Popularized theses in textbooks generally have little in common with polished ones of students on the frontiers. Nevertheless, since the popular ones are likely to condition the direction of study because of their function as starting points for newcomers, they also should be examined. Inspection of them, further, reveals the features of the popularizers themselves, which is another purpose of diffusion studies about intellectual innovations
(Murakami,1964).
2.The Thesis of Christaller
Christaller s ideas on central places was, in principle, formulated in his Die 26η吻彪η Orte in Sde ddeutSchland(Christaller,1933), and some attempts(Beavon,1977;Hayashi,
1986)have been made at logical reconstruction of this book, as weU as special attention to the dynamic analysis(Preston,1983,1986). However, no small alterations had been made by himself on his arguments after the publishing of his book, though the works above mentioned proffered small attention to them. Some of these alterations were such peripheral modifications as on the population of central places and their complementary regions, but they do not represent all. Besides the attempt at realization of the model,
Christaller introduced new assumptions and transferred the focal point of arguments.
Even through these changes, of course, the disposition to planning−orientation was maintained. Together with the plurality of intermediary groups and the diversity of the contexts of receivers, this affair of alterations prompted multiple interpretations. At the same time, however, these differences among his papers enable the inference about the materials on which each student relied for his discussion. Thus brief accounts of Christaller s thesis are provided;pointing out these alterations.
The task brought up in Christaller(1933)was the formulation of laws which determine the number, sizes, and distribution of towns . Reading town as central place,
he accomplished this purpose, with the supplying principle and the range of goods,
especially their upper limit, as the most fundamental Concepts. Although the superiority of the supplying principle may be in part due to the concept of central place itself, this superiority is indicated by the two remarks:the arrangement of central places of the lowest order on the other two principles, traffic and administrative, is the same as that on the supplying principle;the requisition(of supplying principle)of covering the whole area with a minimum possible number of central places is met on those principles. On the basis of this principle, the shapes and sizes of complementary regions and the hierarchy of central places(and their regions)are deduced from the concept of the upper limit of the range under the tacit condition of uniform passability of the area, while taking into no account the lower limit of the range.
Although he considered the transformation of this system under the influences of many factors, the examination was limited to local situations of at most, two or three towns. He seems to have had little interest in the overall figure of deviation from the norm.
After 1933, papers he published were by no means small in number, but few are cited frequently. The four papers of 1938,1950a,1950b,1962 are taken up and examined together here, because of the papers having some features in common. Firstly, the concept of the range of goods apPears only in his 1938 paper, though this paper also gives no substantial connotation of it. In spite of his emphasis upon the hierarchy of central places being not arbitrary but legitimate, the mechanism of emergence of the hierarchy is not clear. Secondly, the 1950a and 1962 papers treat equally of the three principles and presented the polished schemata of the central place system according to each principle,
with the series of the number of central places respectively, for the first time. Thirdly,
three papers after the war maintain the reality of the hierarchies, furnishing abundant
instances, and seek to integrate the three systems of central places. However, the procedure of integration is not logical and the results led have differences, in part.
Fourthly, the complementary region is scarcely touched upon in the postwar papers. This may be also a result of realization of the model. Fifthly, in the 1938 paper three postulations about the area are stated explicitly:the complete homogeneity[gleichartig]
and evenness, the completely uniform [gleichmassig] distribution of population, and the overall passability. The later papers have no rigid statements such as these except an expression of pure area in the 1950a paper. Besides the¢ondition on transportation,
the necessity of these additional presuppositions seems unclear. Finally, population assigned to each rank of central place and its complementary region has fallen gradually from the 1933 text to the 1962 paper, also giving no reason.
3・Early Interpretations in Germany, Britain and America
In Germany, naturally in a sense, there were no papers introducing Christaller s thesis at that time. Those concerned with his arguments were more empirical and critical ones.
Bobek(1938)was one of the earliest responses to it. He criticized Christaller for identifying central place with city. Pointing out that the thesis was a location theory of central functions, he argued that these functions should not be treated in a lump in Christaller s manner. In contrast to Bobek, Neef(1950)dealt with the whole theory and offered evidence in disproof of the arrangement and the rank order of central places. He also criticized the concept of the range of goods.
In the United Kingdom, empirical researches of central places were performed in the tradition of rural studies. Only the introduction by Dickinson(1948)is taken up here. His first mention to Christaller was probably in the 1938 paper, albeit there were only several lines which provided little information upon the thesis, While Christaller read cities as central places and argued their distribution and so forth, Dickinson treated the function of regional center as only one of many functions of a city, and introduced Christaller s thesis in terms of a center of a region. This made his statements more realistic but at the same time Iimited his understanding of Christaller. The following characteristics are pointed out:Firstly, he postulated the hierarchy of cities beforehand, on the basis of the degree of concentration of centralized services. He did not explain the emergence of the hierarchy, because he made no mention of the range of goods. Secondly, there were substantial explanations about the three principles, but they were made in an insignificant way, especially on the supplying principle. Thirdly, although the hierarchical order of cities was mentioned, the hierarchical relationship of tributary areas were not. Fourthly, the sequence of the numbers of central places in each rank is lacking. Finally, corresponding to his stance, he equated central places with locations of SerViCe aCtiVitieS.
There is little doubt that central place studies were much affected by Berry s works,
not only in America but also throughout the world. It would be sufficient to devote
attention to the fact that he, introducing the concept of threshold, deduced a different
system from that of Christaller(Berry and Garrison,1958). More notice shall be taken
here of the United States in the pre−Berrian period.
Ullman(1941)is said to be the first full, clear, systematic statement of central place theory in English (Harris,1977), though the wel1−known mistake he(and Harris)made in the Figure in Harris and Ullman(1945)calls the level of his understanding into question. In addition, some remarks can be made about his introduction. Firstly, only providing a hypothesis that normally the larger the city, the larger is the tributary area C he made no statement about the mechanism of emergence of hierarchy.
Conversely, he did not introduce the range of goods . Secondly, hierarchical relationship of cities or their tributary areas seemed not to be a theme of importance, rather a city and its tributary area constituting the focal point of discussion. Thirdly, the system of central places was constructed exclusively on the basis of the supplying principle,
without mentioning the principles at al1. Transportation and political organization were treated rather slightly as distorting factors. Fourthly, the numbers on the Table l of his paper and his stress on the uniformity of the land imply that he relied on Christaller
(1938)rather than on the text(Christaller,1933), which interestingly suggests where Ullman s interests were. Finally, he put emphasis on the connection of Christaller with ThUnen.
Those features are in common with the descriptions by Wehrwin(1942)and Trewartha(1943). They commonly discussed urban−rural problems rather than central places themselves. In contrast to them was Brush(1953). As his title shows he paid more attention to the hierarchical order, besides other points, and provided fairly satisfactory presentation for the first time in English, probably. Through these and other works Christaller had become considered famous by 1954, when/lmeri°can Geography was published;more than one page was devoted to introducing Christaller there(Kohn,1954).
4.The Introduction into Japanese Geography
Christaller and his work were known to some Japanese geographers already in the prewar period(Takeuchi and Masai,1986, p.61 and p.300). But his first appearance on Japanese literature was in 1951(Kiuchi,1951), though he was cited only as a classifier of the sizes of cities. Frequent and steady references went on from the midイifties,
simultaneously in some fields. Under three headings this movement is examined.
Systematic introduction
Except Ishimizu(1957a)and Morikawa(1962,1966), few systematic or formal introductions were made and they fell behind other kinds of introductions slightly.
Although Berry was mentioned in those papers after 1960, his contribution to reformulation failed to be given attention. Moreover some papers proceeded Berry.
Thus, it can be thought that the systematic understanding of Christaller in Japan was in great demand almost simultaneously with other countries, of course, not necessarily independently, though the influence of Berry prompted this movement later on.
Mainly based upon Christaller(1933), they lacked, like the introduction in foreign
cases, the concept of the range of goods, the series of the nurnber of central places and
Table l Main concerns of Japanese geographers for Christaller
The aspects in which Hier一 Hier一 Dis・ Ar・ Cen一 Refer・ Refer. Other Mere Refer・
each literature refers archy archy tribu. range・ trali・ ence ence o 垂盾撃獅狽 refer・ ence to
to Christaller of of tion ment ty to to ence other
cent. o r91㎝ of of L6sch criti・ to him litera・
Place cent. cent. ●Clsm or the ture
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