NII-Electronic Library Service
Welfare
System
intheSocialist
Order
Hiroya
HIRANO
Saitama
Prefectural
University
Abstract
This
paper
aims atunderstanding welfarcin
thesocialist order cornprehensively and systernatically.With
threeana-lyticalconcepts,
i.e.,
socia]policy,
economic po]icy, and societalpolicy
which consists of theformcr
two,welfare wusexamined as a
kind
of socio-economic system, a"wetfhresystem".
In
the
socialist order, socictalpolicy
had
the grandpurpose
of creating a new society to rcalizc"the
well-being ofthe
people".
However,
due
tocoincidence offinancial
crisis andincreasc
in
thenecessity of socialpolicy,
theconflictbetween
socia}policy
and economicpolicy
increased,As
a rcsult.societalpolicy
became
difficult
topursue
its
purpose.
so thatthe
purpose
was reduccd toa limitedarea of social policyandgost
its
priority.
This
meantthe
collapse of the welfare system,[`The
well-being of the
people"
in
thesocialist order was undoubtedly the ideology andthe
purpose
tobe
achievedin
the
initial
stage,but
its
realizationfailcd
halfway.KeyWords
Socialist
Order,
We]fare
System,
Social
Policy,Economic Policy,Societal
Policy
1lntroduction
Over
fifteen
years
has
alreadypassed
since alot
of socialist orders collapsed
in
Soviet
Union
andEastern
European
countries.Now
these
countrieshave
proceeded
ontheir
new way steadily.Nonetheless
thisarticle argues welfarei
in
the
socialist order2 existedin
the
past.
Why
should the socialist orderbe
examinednowadays? This
point
needsto
be explained here.One
reasonis
thatthe
significance of welfarein
the
transition
ofpost-socialist
countrieshave
notadequately
illuminated
yet.
I
have
arguedthe
function
of social security systems
during
thetransition
based
on the case-study of
Central
European
Countries
including
Polapd,
Hungary
andCzech,
andbrought
out somepoints
below.
First,
social security systemsin
thetransition
period
haveinherited
many characteristics ofthe
systems constructedin
theformer
Socia]ist
order.Second,
through
the
transition
period,
social security systemshave
helped
smoothimplementation
efeco-nomic
po]jcy
by
promoting
efficiency ofthe
economy, so thatthey
contributedto
acccleration of transitiontowards
the
new order(Hirano
2004).
Thcsefindings,
however,
are not satisfactorybecause
the
transition
is
not an eventin
a momentbut
aleng-term
phenomenon
continuingfrom
the
co]lapse ofthe
old orderto
the
construction of the new order.
Therefore,
to
advancethis
study,the
significance of welfarein
the old orderneeds
to
be
illuminated.
Another
moreimportant
reasonis
that
examiningthe
significance of welfarein
modern societyis
auniversal
question
beyond
private
interest.
This
exami-nation
leads
to
illustrate
what welfarein
the societyactually "is",
and
discuss
what it"shouldbe".
And
it
is
necessary to
demonstrate
thepositive
significance ofwelfare inthe social order
fbr
definitizing
the necessity of welfarein
modern society.In
this
point,
the socialist-1-order, which
pushed
propaganda
such as "realization ofthe
well-being ofthe
people",is
a valuable subjectfbr
this
study.However,
veryfew
studiesfbcused
onthe
signifi-cance of welfare
in
the socialist order.While
most ofprevious
studiesfoeused
on reviewingdetailed
content of social security systems,few
studies examinedthe
systems comprehensively and systematically3. More-over,though
many studies concentrated on aparticular
content
in
social security systems such as social insur-ance systemfOr
employees", some studiespointed
that
otherpolicies
and social conventions whosefunction
were equivalentto
social security systernshad
existedin
the
socialist orderS.This
indicates
thatthe
examjna-tionfrom
abroad
perspective
beyond
social security systemsis
necessaryfor
understandingthe
significance of welfat/ein
the
order.At
the
sametime,
this
showsthe
limit
ofprevious
studies which resultedin
description
and explanation of social security systems.
In
this article, as apreliminary
workfor
examiningthe
significance of welfarein
the
socialist order,it
is
aimedto
constructthe
analyticalframework
for
it.
Specifically,
from
a comprehensive and systematicperspective,
I
reinterpret as one system,both
formal
institutions
andinformal
arrangements, whichfunction-ally substitute or complement
formal
ones and analyzeit.
Afterwards, Iexamine howthis
system changed,In
whatfOllows,
thisanicle consists of fourparts.
Firstly,
I
explainthree
analytical concepts: socialpolicy,
economic
policy
and societalpelicy,
Secondly,
by
usingthese
concepts, Iexamine welfare system inthe
social-ist
order andilluminate
characteristics of the system.Thirdly,
I
demonstratethe change of thissystem by two ecenomicphenomena
and one sociological one,And
lastly,
I
summarizethis
anicle with somelimits
andproblems,
2
Analytical
Concepts
and
Framework
As
I
mentioned above, welfarein
the
socialist orderhad
consisted not only of social security systemsbut
also of otherpolicies
and social conventions which arefunctionally
equivalentto
the
systems and complementor substitute them,
All
these
various arrangements are regarded as"welfaresystem" as awhole in
this
article.We]fate
systemis
divided
to
two
parts,
say, "formalsector" and "infbrmal
sector".
While
"formal sector" meansformal
welfareinstitutions
andpolicies
such associal security systems, "infbrmal
sector" corresponds
to
interdependence
and mutual aidin
familial
relations andlocal
communities.In
the
former,
it
includes
broad
spectrum of
policies.
This
derives
from
the
fact
that
in
the
socialist order the mainpurpose
is
realizing the well-being of thepeople,
so that variouspolicies
cemplexly relatesto
realization ofthe
purpose`.
This
relationship
between
policies
was examinedby
aHungarian
sociologist, Zsuzsa Ferge.Ferge
was one ofthe
few
researchers who anaiyzeformal
welfareinstitutions
andpo]icies
in
thesocial-ist
order comprehensively and systematically.She
reviewed various
institutions
andpolicies
whichhad
implemented
in
Hungary
sinceWorld
War
2,
and systemizethem
by
usingtwo
concepts: "socialpolicy"
and "societal
policy"
(Ferge
1979).
She
defined
societalpolicy
as `Itcompasses
the
sphere of socialpolicy(the
organization of social services orthe
redistribution ofincomes),
but
alsoincludes
systematic socialinterven-tion
at allpoints
ofthe
cycle ofthe
reproduction ofsocial
life,
with the aim of changing the structure ofsociety'
(ibid:
13),
It
canbe
saidthat
societalpo]icy
is
the
onethat
reconstructthe
existing society radicallyfor
realizationthe
well-being ofthe
people.
Atthe
sametirne,
socialpo]icy
waslocated
as apart
of societalpolicy,
anddefined
as a short-term deviceto solve cur-rent socialproblems
sothat
it
could shortenthe
period
which was required
fbr
realization of societalpolicy
asa
long-term
device
(ibid:
47).
The
characteristics oftwo
NII-Electronic Library Service
lable
1The
Characteristics
of Social PolicyandSocietal
Policy
SocialPolicy
SocietalPolicy
Target
SocialProblems
Societyitself(producingsocialproblems)
Perspective'
Short-Term
Long-TerrnImpaetonthestatusquoConseryative /Transformative
Priority
LowHigh
ScopeofIntervention
Ti
-DistributionmainiyIi/tli6PdO.i,"tt,S..OIDRiC,7,riObd."tl:i.O:.CdY8Le.::klftei..)
Sovrce/Ferge(1979>According
to
her
definition
that
societalpo]icy
includes
systematic socialintervention
at allpoints
ofthe
cycle of sociallife,
that
is,
production,
distribution
and consumption,it
is
suggested thateconomicpolicy
is
included
as otherparts
of societalpolicy.
In
otherwords, societal
policy
consists of socialpolicy
andeconomic
policy.
Moreover,
socialpolicy
and economicpolicy
are mutually compternentary and unitedsystem-atically so that societal
policy
canhave
consistency as onepolicy.
This
point
is
exemplified bythe
factthat
the
socialist order employed a
form
of command economyand controlled economy
politically.
The reasonfor
rein-terpreting
various welfat/e arrangementsin
the socialistorder as a
broader
"welfaresystem",
beyond
social security systems,derives
from
these
characteristics of societalpolicy.
Welfare
systemin
the
socialist orderis
a kindof socio-economic system whose
purpose
is
real-ization
ofthe
wel]-being ofthe
people.
It
substantivelyestablishes
the
state of society as a whole;its
influence
is
wide-ranging and crucial.Three
concepts above,that
is,
socialpolicy,
economicpolicy
and societalpolicy
are very usefu] asanalytical concepts forunderstanding "welfare
system".
In
this
sense academic contributionby
Ferge
shouldbe
high]y
appreciated.However,
the relationship amongthree
concepts needs more consideration.As
Ferge
assumed
in
her
study,if
socialpolicy
and economicpolicy
are always mutual]y complementary, and as the result societalpolicy
keeps
consistency as onepolicy,
welfate systern would continue to operate stably.None-theless,
the socialist order actually collapsed atlast.
If
welfare system substantively establishesthe
state ofsociety as a whole,
it
wouldbe
possible
thatproblems
happened
in
this systemhad
a criticalimpact
onthe
collapse ofthe
socialist order.Therefbre,
the
assump-tion above must
be
reexaminedin
demonstrating
the
changing
process
of weLfare system.Consequently,
in
the
fo11owingchapters, using "socialpolicy",
'`economicpolicy"
and "socjetalpolicy"
as analytical concepts,I
examine welfare systemfbcusing
especially onthe
relationship among the three.3
Modeling
"WelfareSystem"
In
this
chapter, as afirst
task,
I
model theprototype
of welfare system and examine the relationship amongits
componentsin
detail.As
I
mentioned above, welfaresystem
is
divided
to twoparts:
fbrmal
sector andinfor-mal sector.
The
former
correspondsto
societalpolicy,
and
it
divided
further
to
two
policy
domain
of sociaLpolicy
and economicpolicy.
On
the other hand,the
lat-ter
correspondsto
informal
welfare arrangementsin
the
cornmunal society,in
concretcterms,
interdependence
and mutual aidin
familial
relations andlocal
communi-ties.
Social
poticy
domain
in
the socialist orderis
basi-cally almostthe
same as thatin
the
capitalist order.This
includes
the componentsgenerally
nominated as socialpolicy:
income
maintenance,personal
social services,health
care, education,housing
and so on.Economic
policy
domain
includes
nationalization or socializationof means of
production
anddirectcd
p]anning
economy7 under whichprice
control andfull-employment
areimplemented,
accordingto
basic
principles
in
thesocialist order.
Now,
base
onthese
definitions,
let
us considerthe
relationship amongthe
three
factors:
socialpolicy,
economic
policy
andinformal
arrangementsin
thecommunal society.
Firstly,
economicpolicy
has
-3-relationships bothto social
policy
and tothe communal society,but
the
state of each relationshipis
contrastive.For
socialpolicy,
economicpolicy
is
functionally
complementary, or
in
some cases, substitutivein
that
the measures such as wage control,price
control andfull
employmenthave
functionsnot only as a means ofplanned
economic managementbut
also as a stabilizer of thepeople's
lives.
On
the otherhand,
for
thecom-munal society, economic
policy
is
transformative
in
that
collectiyization of agriculture, whichderives
from
nationalization or socialization of means ofproduction,
leads
to
have
alarge
number ofpopulations
asredun-dant
labor
force
detached
from
theirlocal
communities and as a resulttheir
local
communities are obligedto
break
down.
This
impact
canbe
particularly
moresignificant in
the
case ofthe
countries where agricultureworkers consist mostly of
the
population.
In
this
point,
economicpolicy
has
the
function
of transfbrming thecommunal society.
Secondly,
for
economicpolicy,
socialpolicy
is
functionally
complementaryin
that
itcorrects negativeeffects of economic
policy.
Negative
effects amountto
income
inequality.
This
point
seemsto
be
inconsistent
to
the
assumption of affiliative relationshipbetween
social
policy
and economicpolicy.
But,
the
two
is
not essentially conflictive
because
income
inequality
happens
by
distribution
accordingto
one'slabor
underinadequate
productivity
in
the socialist society, whichis
the
transition
phase
towards
the
communist society.And,
indeed,
socialpo]icy
is
financially
dependent
on economicpolicy.
Meanwhile, forthe
communal society, socialpolicy
is
complemented byit.
This
is
causedby
the
fact
that
formal
welfareinstitutions
in
the socialistorder tended
to
target
only employeesS.However.
the
functional
complement ofthe
communal societyto
socialpolicy
gradually
weakens becausethe
]ocal
corn-munity, which substantively canies out
the
function
ofthe
communal societybreaks
down
by
nationalization or socialization of means ofproduction
implemented
aspart
of economicpolicy.
Based
on consideration mentioned aboveconcern-ing
the
relationship amongthe
three
factors,
the
prototype
of welfare system ismodeled as Figure1
.Figure
1The
Prototype
ofWelfare
System
The
characteristics ofthe
prototype
of welfare system are summarized asfOur
principles
below;
1
.The
first
priority
inwelfare system isimplementing
nationalization or socialization of means of
tion
whichis
one of the measures under economicpolicy.
Thisderives
from
basic
principles
of
ism.
2.
Social
policy
and economicpolicy
are mutuallycomplementary.
3.
Social
policy
and economicpolicy
areparts
ofetal
policy,
respectively.This
principle
is
premised
NII-Electronic Library Service
4.
The
communal society complements or substitutessocial
policy
functiona]ly.
But,
as nationalizationor sociaiization of means of
production
is
mented,
the
communal societyloses
its
function.
In
other words, operation of economic
policy
prevents
the
communal society fromcarrying outits
function
for
socialpolicy.
In
thisprototype
of welfare system,it
is
important
that societalpolicy
exists and eperatesfor
its
unitedpurpose
of realizingthe
well-being ofthe
people.
This
is
thc
most remarkable characteristic of welfare systemin
thc
socialist order.At
the
sametime,
these
principles
indicate
the
consequence of this welfare system,In
this
system, asdevelopment
of nationalization or socialization of means ofproduction
implemented
asparts
of cconomicpolicy
weakensthe
complementary or substitutivefunction
ofthe
cornmunal societyfor
socialpolicy,
the
functional
necessity of socialpolicy
inevitubly
is
increasing.
Increase
in
thefunctional
necessity of socialpolicy
requiresincrease
in
funding
for
it
provided
from
economicpolicy,
accordingly.Therefore,
economicgrowth
which offersits
funding
isa
prerequisite
for
the survival of welfare system.However,
in
the
case of cconomicdepression,
economic
po]icy
is
getting
difficult
to complementsocial
policy
financially
andfunctional]y,
and as aresult, social
policy
becomes
dysfunctional,
Especially,
if
economicdepression
happens
atthe
stagethat
nation-alization or socialization of means of
production
has
substantivelydeveloped
andthe
functional
necessity ofsocial
policy
has
beenincreasing,
thisconflictbecomes
quite
significantfbr
the
welfare system.This
situation means substantivedissolution
of societalpolicy.
In
thissense, economic
growth
is
essentialfor
the welfaresystern.
In
any case,performance
of economicpolicy
has
a dccisive impactonthis
system.These
arebasic
structures ofthe
prototype
ofthe
welfare system.4
Demonstrating
the
collapse
of
the
fare
system
Now,
let
usdemonstrate
the
changingprocess
ofthe
welfare systemby
some actualphenomena.
As
thephenomena
associated withthe
welfare system, two economicphenomena
and one sociologicalphenom-enon are lmportant.
One
of the economicphenomena
is
stagnation ofeconomic
growth.
In
Soviet
Union
andEastern
Euro-pean
countries, economicgrowth
began
todecline
asearly as the
tate
1950s.
Since
then
thistrcnddeyeloped
and atlast
became
a socialproblem
as economicdepression
from
the
late
1960s
to the early1970s`'.
Though
opinionshave
been
diyided
onthis
economicdepression,
persuasive
explanation wasproposed
by
aFrench
econemist,Marie
Layigne.
Lavigne
explainedthat
economicdepression
in
the
socialist order was causedby
thelimit
of "extensivegrowth"
and thefailure
of "intensivegrowth"
(Lavigne
1999).
Her
ex-planation
indicates
a series ofprocess
that
the
economy was excessively centered onheavy
industry
sector andit
causedinefficiency
ofthe
economy, and subsequentpromotion
of economic efftciency resultedin
failure.
In
what
fo11ows,
I
overviewthis
process
according tohcr
explanation.
Excessive
concentration on theheavy
industry
sector
in
the
economies ofSoviet
Union
andEastern
European
countries was causedby
the
implementation
of economic
policy
which centered onindustrialization.
Lavigne
explainedthis
asbelow.
In
the
socialistcoun-tries
atthat
time, where most of thepopulation
were agriculture workers,implementation
ofprincip]es
ofsocialism,
including
nationalization or socialization of means ofproduction,
wouldproyoke
strong antipathyfrom
them.To
avoidthis
andjustify
coercivecol-lectivization,
"industrializationmodel" was
formulated.
In
this
result, redundantlabor
force
in
agriculturesector was coercively
displaced
toward
the
industry
sector, andthe
construction of newindustrial
plants
and the
development
of natural resources wereput
into
practice.
These
brought
abouthigh
economicgrowth
in
the
socialist order.But,
this
method culled "extensive-5-growth"
is
very wastefu1in
that
it
aimsfor
economicdevelopment
by
external massive capitalinput.
Ulti-mately, thismethodleads
to exhaustion ofhurnan
and material resources, andindustrialization
policy
comesto a
deadlock.
In
this situation,for
increasing
produc-tiyity
of laborand capital andimproving
efficiencyby
technological
progress,
various attempts were applied.These
series of economic reforms are called"intensifi-cation".
Howeyer,
even thisintensive
growth
strategy couldn't salyage the situation, so thesocialist ordergot
into
trouble
with chronic economicdepression
(Lavigne
1999:
49-55).
The
otheris
shadow economy.Shadow
economyappeared as a substitutive
because
formal
economyfell
into
depression
andfailed
tofu1fi11
its
function.
While
the
appearance of shadow economy wasbeneficial
to
the
people
in
that
it
provided
goods
and services insteadof formaLeconomy, itwas
harmful
to
fbrmal
economy.The
relationshipbetween
formal
economy andshadow economy was analyzed
by
Feher
andhis
col-leagues
(Feher
etal.
1983).
Accordingto
their
explana-tion,
in
the
socialist order,there
werethree
types
ofeconomic mechanism called "three
economies";
that
is,
"firsteconomy"
(command
economy), which operatesbased
on theplanning
principle,
"secondecenomy"
(shadew
economy), which operatesbased
onthe
market
principle,
and "thirdeconomy"
(personal
andinformal
relations of assistance among members ofthe
bureaucratic
apparatus), which operatesbased
on theprinciple
ofgeneralized
reciprocity and exchange ofre-ciprocal services, Additionally, Feherand hiscolleagues
mentioned
the
relationship amongthree
economiesand concluded
that
whilefirst
economy controlledby
planning
was adominant
andlegitimate
system,for
deve!opment
of second economy material resourceshad
to
be
"jl]egally"provided
from
first
economythrough
third
economy, sothat
this
wouldinevitably
causethe
decline
of firsteconomy(ibid,:
99-105).
Their
conclusionindicates
not only that there wasnegatiye correlation
between
command economy andshadow economy,
but
also that there was akind
of spiralthat
with shadow economydeveloped,
comrnand economy woulddecline
andthe
needfor
shadow economy wouLdincrease
more.While
the
failure
ofeconomic
policy
mentioned above was one ofthe
internal
causesin
economicdepression,
the
appear-ance of shadow economy
is
external one.Shadow
economy subsequently continued to expand and
kept
permanently.
And,
thegovernment
authority connivedat
it.
As
a result, shadow economybecame
known
asthe
phenomenon
specificto
the
socialistorderiO.As
sociologicalphenomenon,
there
wasadvance-ment of urbanization. As mentioned aboye, under the
situation advancing nationalization or socialization of
means of
production
as co]lectivization of agriculture,degree
of demographicshiftfrom
rural areasto
urban areas wasinevitable.
However,
because
demographic
shift was coercively
promoted
by
industrialization
policy,
the urbanpopulation
turned out to surpassthe
rura] one
in
asfew
as severaldecades.
These
aredemonstrated
by
someprevious
studies.According
to
Korosi
andWnuk-Mpinski,
associatedwith change of social structure
in
PolandandHungary
after the
World
War
2,
especiallyin
the
late
1940s
and
the
early1950s,
demographic
shiftsfrom
ruralareas
to
urban areasin
the
two
countries wereled
by
coercive collectivizationin
rural areas and "extensiye"industrialization
in
urban areas(Korosi
andWnuk-Lipjnski
1983:
36-39),
And
Rimlinger
pointed
outthat
from
1928
to
the
early1950s
while eollectivization ofagriculture advanced
in
Soviet
Union,
demographic
shift was coercivelypromoted
by
the
same reasonmentioned above, and vecational
training
for
labor
force
transferred
from
rural areas was a mainissue
in
contemporary laborpoliey
(Rimlinger
197
1:270-27
1),
Such
adrastic
change onthe
demographic
structureled
to
newproblems
both
in
rural areas andin
urban areas,In
rural areas,the
younger
generation
continu-ously transferred
to
urban areas for becoming industrialworkers and resulted
in
aging the ruralpopulation.
This
brought
about not only an economicproblem
such asdecline
in
agriculturalproductivity,
but
also a sociologicalproblem
that
interdependence
and mutualaid
in
familial
relations andlocal
communitiesbecame
dysfunctional
by
disappearance
ofits
bearer'i.
And
in
urban areas,housing
problems
werebrought
aboutbecause
of continuousinflux
oflabor
force,
andthen
NII-Electronic Library Service
people's
lives
ljke
income
maintenance,healthcare
andsocial services remarkably
grew.
Each
phenomenon
mentioned above, which occurredfrem
the
late
1960s
tothe
early1970s
coin-cidentally, must
have
been
aprob]em
respectivelyfor
the socialist order.However,
the
coincidence of threephenomena
hasmoreimportant
implications.Economic
depression
in
cornmand economy,development
ofshadow economy, and
the
negative spiralbetween
thetwo
leads
to
adecline
in
gevernment
revenue.Mean-while, rapid urbanization
increases
proportionately
the
necessity of socialpolicy,
andthis
accompaniesinevitably
anincrease
in
government
expenditure.Consequently,
the socialist orderturns
to
confrontthe
conflictbetween
financial
crisis andincrease
in
the
ne-cessity of social
policy.
This
is
the
core ofthe
problem.
Moreover,
the
conflict resultsin
decline
in
the
realvalue of soc{al
policy.
Thispoint
needsto
be
explainedin
detail
by
usingthe
model of welfare system.The
first
principle,
that
is,
nationalization or socialization of means ofproduction
wasjustified
as thefirst
prior-ity
by
economicpolicy
centered onindustrialization
("industrialization
model"), andimplemented,
The
second
principle
that
socialpolicy
and economicpolicy
are mutually complementary was maintained as
long
aseconomic
growth
continued.But
as economy shifted to adepression,
socialpolicy
changedinto
theburden
to
economic
policy
andthe
relationshipbetwecn
twopoli-cies
turned
to
be
conflicting. As a result, societalpolicy
lost
its
entity as onepolicy
with a unitedpurpose,
sothat
the
third
princip]e
wouldbe
failed.
Additionally,
the
fburth
principle
intensified
the
confiicting relation-shipbetween
twopolicies
because
anincrease
in
thenecessity of social
policy
by
imp]ementation
of thisprinciple
placed
an additionalburden
on economicpolicy.
This
situation canbe
cai!ed asthe
crisisphase
of welfare system, and ismodeled as Figure2.
functionally
subs rces outflowi-・
Societal
Policy"
i
i
i il.
-
t
l
-
i
il
・
t
--
t
l
e
i
-
t
-
t
t
t
'i
i[,LZC.re.fS,k",5.)
>s,;;l::
l;ilil,
.C,il,,,,f,[fi".",7g,1"')
il
-...t--t-t-t-ttt-t-ttt-t-tt...t.--ttt---ttt---t-t---t-...t-t-t-t-t-tt----t---tt...---tt--t-tt--ttt--:
Figure
2
The
Crisis
Phase
ofWelfare
System
In
this
phase,
welfare systemhas
transformed.
At
first,
as alogica]
consequencein
the
operation ofthis
system, developmentof socialjzation or nationalization
of means of
production,
which was implementedaspart
of economicpolicy,
changed the communal society, sothe
functional
necessity of socialpolicy
increased.
This
cmerged as the sociological
phenomenon
such asde-mographic shift
from
rural areasto
urban areas.In
the
result, thefunction
whichhad
been
carried outby
the
communal society
transferred
to
socialpolicy.
This
is
the
functionalsubstitutionby
socialpolicy.
Meanwhile,
the
economicphenomenon,
such as shadow economy,was
the
autonomous spheredeveloping
independent
of thegoyernment,
These
phenomena
like
transforma-tion
from
the
communal society anddevelopment
of autonomous sphere, canbe
regarded asthe
beginnings
ofprimary
civil society'2.However,
the
development
of'
shadow economy
inevitably
led
to
outflow ofresourcesfrom
command economy controlledby
government.
This
worsened economicdepression
further
and madewelfare system
dysfunctional.
Accordingiy,
the conflicthappened
between
socialpolicy
and economicpolicy.
In
concrete terms,the
conflict rneans coincidence offinancial
crisis andincrease
in
the
necessity of socia]policy,
Due
to
this
conflict, societalpolicy
lost
itsentity as apolicy
with a unitedpurpose,
andthe
real value of socialpolicy
declined,
This
has
a veryimportant
implication:
collapse of welfare system.Did
welfare systeminevitably
collapsed?There
is
nodoubt
that
there
are alot
of causes ofthe
collapse.Nonetheless
it
seems tobe
aceepted that the majorcause
is
economicdepression.
On
this
point,
the
resu]tof
this
study showsthat
economicdepression
derives
frem
artificial eauses,that
is,
government
failure.
Government
failure
indicates
'`industrializationmodeli',
an economic
policy
centered onindustrialization.
Like
most countries underthe
socialist erder, ifthe
principle
of socialism such as nationalization or socia]ization of means efproduction
implemented
in
the
agricultural countries, some sortof measures absorbing redundantlabor
force
musthave
been
necessary.But
"industrial-ization
model"is
no morethan
one ofthe
optionsfor
the
measures and neverinevitable.
Even
if
extensiveeconomic
po]icy
typifiedby
"industrialization"was effectiye
in
achieving economicgrowth
earlier,it
wasclear that this measure eventually would reach a
limit
in
terms
offinite
resources, andthere
was nodeubt
that
this
measure wastemporary.
Consequently,
"industri-alization model"
brought
aboutboth
rapid economicgrowth
andsubsequent
economic
depression.
Finally,
based
on examination mentioned above,]et
us considerthe
stateof "well-being"in
the
socialist order.It
was an ultimatepurpose
andideal
ofthe
order.This
wastrue
atleast
whenthe
socialist order started.The
purpose
andideal
are representedin
the
existenceof welfare system, a broadwelfate arrangements which
inc]uded
the wholepolicy
domains
and covered thesociety as a whole.
However,
its
rea]izationfi"ustrated
halfway.
Societal
policy,
whosegrand
purpose
was creating new society,lost
its
entity as apolicy
bythe
confiict betweensocialpolicy
and economicpolicy,
andthe
ideal
of realizingthe
well-being ofthe
people
was reducedto
socialpolicy,
one ofthe
policy
domains,
Here
"well-being"transformed
fromthe
absolute valuein
the socialist order to one of various yalues.For
the
socialist order which "well-being" had been
its
ultimate
purpose
andideal,
the
frustration
of itsrealization wasquite
a disappointingresult.5
Conclusion
In
this
article,Ihave
examinedthe
organization of welfare andits
change systematically andcomprehen-sively
by
using the analytical mode] "welfaresystem".
In
the
resutts,it
became
clearthat
thc
confiictbetween
socialpolicy
and economicpolicy
happened
by
the
failure
of economicpolicy.
Therefbre,
the
purpose
of socialism such as realization ofthe
well-being ofthe
people
becamc
impossible
to
achieve.Additionally,
in
regardto
causesfor
the
failure
of economiepolicy,
artificial causes weredistinguished
from
inherent
ones.It
can be saidthat
these
prove
the
validity ofthe
analytjcal model.Howeyer
somelimits
andproblems
remain tobe
examinedtowards
elaboratingthis
study,First,
the
causesfor
the
failure
of economic reform areto
be
figured
out. Resultsof this studyindicate
the
causes for economicdepression
were artificial.But
if
the
govern-ment successfully overcomes economic
depression,
it
would not resultin
the
collapse of welfare system.Therefore,
the
causesfor
economicdepression
and theones
for
the
failure
of economic reform mustbe
consid-ered separatety.In
regardsto
the
causesfor
the
failure
of economic reforrn ,the
fact
that
business
managers incommand economy
have
inefficient
and conservativetendency
is
indicative.
This
tendency
couldbe
called"the
built-in
risk-aversioni'
'3(Lavigne
1999]
54),
andappeared as a
form
of "over-fu11employment"
(Holz-man1976)
or managers'preference
forroutineproduc-NII-Electronic Library Service
tion
makingthe
plan
easier toimplement
(Berliner
1976).
TherefOre,they
have
been
regarded as one ofthe
causespreventing
economic reformtowards
efficiencyenhancement.
Like
this
example,if
the
mechanismof command economy
inevitably
brought
aboutthis
tendency
to
businessmanagers workingin
it,economicreform
towards
efi'iciency enhancement wouldhave
been
extremelydit:flcult
to
be done.
This
point
needs tobe
examinedin
detail.
Second,
the
function
of shadow economyis
to
be
figured
out.As
mentioned above,if
the relationshipbe-tween
socialpolicy
and economicpolicy
became
con-fiictive
and welfare system turnedto
be
dysfunctional,
the supply ofgoods
and services essential topeople's
lives
wouldhave
stopped andin
some casestheir
lives
would
have
collapsed.But,
actually,the
people
barely
maintained
thcir
lives.
This
indicates
that
there wereother supply routes
informally
exceptthe
formal
one.Shadow
economyis
one ofthe
possibilities.
In
this
article,
I
examined thedysfunction
of shadow economywhich made economic
depression
worse,but
shadoweconomy essentially
has
the
function
of satisfyingthe
demand
whichdoesn't
be
satisfiedin
formal
commandeconomy.
This
eufunction of shadow economyhas
important
indications
not onlyfor
economicpolicy
but
alsofor
socialpolicy
because
goods
and servicessupplied
in
shadow economyhave
great
impact
onthe
people's
lives.
In
this
sense, additional examination ofshadow economy needs
to
be done
for
heightening
the
relevance of
this
study.Finally,
Iet
me explainthe
possibility
ofthis
study.The
confiict between economicpolicy
and socialpelicy
showed
in
this
articleindicates
not onlythe
conflictover
finance
andfunction
but
also the one over valuelying
behind
them.
In
other words, the conflictis
the
one betweenefficiency and well-being. Under
the
crisisphase
of economicdepression,
efficiency was empha-sizedin
economy and as a resultthe
conflicthappened
with well-bcing, which was
the
essential valuein
the
socialist ordcr.
This
conflietbrought
aboutthe
collapseof societal
policy
andthe
reductionto
socialpolicy
offunction
realizing the well-being ofthe
people.
In
this
sense, the conflict
happened
atthe
veryfundamental
level.
This
situationhas
a similarity with "WelfareStates
in
Crisis",
the
situation whichhappencd
afterthe
1970s
in
the capitalist orderin
point
ofits
time
and composition.Thomas
H.
Marshall,
a Britishsociologistand one of
distinguished
scholarsin
studies of welfare state, expressed welfare statesin
crisisas "HyphenatedSociety",
which consisted ofdemocracy,
welfare, and capitalism. Andhe
concluded asbelow
aboutthe
problem
in
"HyphenatedSociety".
"The troubleis
that
no wayhas
been
found
of equating aman's valuein
the
market(capitalist
value),his
value as a citizen (demo-cratic value), andhis
valuefbr
himself
(welfare
valuc)"(Marshall
1972:
30).
His
conclusion seemsto
applyto the socialist order which confronted
the
crisis with the value confiictbetween
socialpolicy
and economicpolicy.
In
thispoint,
there
is
expectedto
be
possible
for
comparative study ofthc
two
orders underthe
same analyticalframework.
The
analytical approachin
this
article seemsto
havc
apotential
toapply toboth
ordersin
that
itanalyzcs social orders as one systemin
whichwelfare
is
one of the components.At
the
sametime,
this
approachprovides
new opportunityto
reexamine thedifference
between
the
two
orders, whichhave
been
exp]ainedby
historical
differences
orfrom
ideological
perspective.
Development
of such comparatiye studiesof the two erders must contribute
to
elucidation ofthe
significanceof
welfatein
the
socialist order.It
is
alsonecessary to
illuminate
how
transformation
of welfare systemhad
animpact
onthe
socialist ordcr.They
willbe
discussed
in
another anicLe.Notes]
In this artic]e, the term `welfarci
means
kind
ofmcnts which
practiccs
rcciprocal exchanges or redistributionof
goods
and services according to one's needs,formally
and informally.
Therefore,
in
some casesit
meansforma]
institutions,
in
other cascs itmeans informal arrangernentsorconventlons,
'
]
In
thisarticle, theterm`socialist
order'is
uscd onlyfor
Soviet
Union
andEastern
European
countries. Therefore thisterm
doesn't
include the countries such asChina
andCuba.
However,
in
my opinion, theanalytical model inthis ttrticlchas degree of applicability tothesecountries,
This
point
is
examincdin
another artic]e.By way ot'exception, studies
like
Ferge
Cl979),
Mishra
(l981)
and Dcacon(l983)
arc rcrnarkable.Based
on4 s 6 7 s y [{)
theeretical
deliberation
on therelatienshipbetween
social-ism
and socialpolicy,
each study critically examined socialpolicy implemented
in
thesocialist countries.These
arehighly
valuablefor
considering thesignificance of welfarein
the socialist order.In
Japan,
Fiijita
(1985)
examined thesignificancc of social
policy
in thesocialLst order,but
most ofits
contents weredevoted
tothecxplanation aboutinstitu-tions and there was
almost
no serious considcration.As
studies about socia] security systems insocialist countricsin
Japan,
Shiokawa
(
1985),
Shibata
(1989)
arerepresentative of thcm. Each researched elaborately transition of social security systems, and analyzedits
background
minutely.However, the significance of the systems
in
thesocialist order andits
impact
on otherpolicies
were hardlymentioned atall.Cichon(1997)
mentioned thatcconomicpolicy
functionedas implicit social security under thesocialist ordeT.
And
Komorita
(1998),as
regards independent farmers inPoland,noted
that
their
lives
had
remained tobe
under theselfihelpprincipte
(ibid/
244).Bottomore,
aBri
tishsociologist who wasfamous
for
studies aboutMarxism,
notedthat
as regards wclfarein
thesocialist order, welfareis
abig component of nationa]products
andactually an unique
purposc
of wholeprocess
oflabor
in
abreader
sense(Marsha]1
and Bottornore1992).
This
indicates
thatunder the socialist order, welfare
is
thepurpose
andvarious
pelicies
relates toits
realization,The
combination of socialism asideology
and command economyis
notinevitable,
However.
on account of thcfact
every socialist country adopted cornmand economy and
basically
kept
it,
I
thinkit
plausible
thatcommand economyisadopted as amechanism of economy inthe model.
In
socialist countries, social security, tobe
precise.
income
security tendcd to
be
provided
only employees.This
tcndcncy
has
its
origin inLenin's manifesto for employee's
insurance
(Lenin
1941),
andit
was thebasic
principle
in
the socialist order, which
prefessed
proletarian
dictatorship.
But
bccausc
ofit,
self-employed workers andindependent
farmers
had
todepend
oninterdependence
and mutualaid
in
fatnilial
relations andlocal
communities under the commu-nal society.This
situation canbe
interpreted
thatcommunal social structure complementsinadequate
socialpolicy
Dctai]s
of cconomicdcprcssion
in
each country are omitteddue
tospacelimitations.
But
according toLavjgne
(1999),
economy
gradually
slowed down,andin
thelate
]970sit
at-tainedzerogrowth
or whatis
worse, negativegrowth.
In
the1980s
thetendency of economicdepression
never improved.In
additiontothefact
thateconomic statisticswerc censider-ablydistorted,
it
shouldbe
considered the situation actuallydeteriorated
more thanthedata.
In
Japan,
Morita
(1986)
is
one of studies covering theissues
in
shadow economy.11
]2
i]
According
to Komorita(1998),
inPoland as of the early1970s one thirdof the agricultural
population
reached or soon would reach thepension
e]igibility agc.The
term 'civilsociety'
here
js
usedin
referring `Thewords
"civil
society"name the space of uneoerced
human
associa-tionand also
the
setof relational networks--formed
for
thesake of
family,
faith,
illterest,
andideology--
thatfill
thisspace'
(Walzer
1995:
7).According
toLavigne
(1999),
under soeja]ist economy themain
priority
for
business managers was toimptement
the plan withleast
risk.They
tended tohoard
thesurpluslabor
in
preparation
for
yarious hazards specific tocentralplan-ning
like
retoolinginadequate
parts
and ensuring repairs and maintenance(ibid:
60).
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