外 文 摘 要 76
茶筅的起源與確立
關 劍平
茶筅是末茶的標誌性茶具，但是茶筅的確立卻經歷了曲折的過程。早在中國茶 文化成立期的魏晉南北朝就出現了茶筅的雛形，或許由於還沒有發展成專用工具， 沒有固有名稱。從有限的史料只知道是竹制筅箒，而同樣的筅箒還被用於同樣需要 攪拌出泡沫的其他食品的加工。同時，考古發掘的文物也證明瞭原本作為清洗工具 的筅箒還作為炊具而被使用，尤其是存在著精美的筅箒，暗示著其他比較特殊的應 用空間，至少間接證明瞭在具有審美等精神意義的飲茶世界裏使用茶筅的可行性。 但是唐代、乃至北宋，箸匙卻成為攪拌茶湯的主角，相關記錄出現在茶書裏。名副 其實的茶筅的再次登場已經是北宋末年，宋徽宗的《大觀茶論》首次明確記載，至 今為止的研究者也以此作為使用茶筅的開始。Hefan gongzhu of the Sui Dynasty and Sui Diplomatic
Strategy toward the North and the West
S
UGANUMA, Aigo
Hefan gongzhu ( 和 蕃 公 主 ) were female members of the Chinese imperial family who got married to kings of neighboring countries, mainly in order to promote peace and friendship. In this paper, I consider the diplomatic role of Hefan gongzhu of the Sui ( 隋 ) dynasty from the viewpoint of Sui diplomatic strategy toward the north and the west. I investigate all six princesses, Hefan gongzhu, who belonged to the Sui dynasty: Da-yi gongzhu ( 大義公主 ), An-yi gongzhu ( 安義公主 ), Yi-cheng gongzhu ( 義成公主 ), Xin-yi gongzhu ( 信義公主 ), Guang-hua gongzhu ( 光化公主 ) and Hua-rong gongzhu ( 華 容 公 主 ). I also arrange facts related to them that have been extracted from historical documents. In particular, I pay attention to the fact that some marriages formed part of the Sui dynasty’ s strategy to bring about internal
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77 strife among the Turks ( 突厥 ).
First, I investigate four princesses of the Sui dynasty who married Turkish Qaghans ( 可汗 ). Before the unification of China, Wen-di ( 文帝 ) gave priority to the conquest of the Chen ( 陳 ), and maintained a peace-keeping policy toward the Turks by adopting a princess who belonged to the previous Bei-zhou dynasty ( 北 周 ) and who was also a wife of the Turkish Great Qaghan. After the unification of China, however, Wen-di initiated diplomatic interventions against the Turks. The Turks’ weak point was that they had a decentralized state structure, and some Qaghans possessed significant power relatively independent of the Great Qaghan. Wen-di married a princess to one of the Qaghans, thereby promoting internal strife among the Turks. Eventually, Sui succeeded in taking control of the eastern part of Turkish territory.
Second, I investigate Sui Hefan gongzhu who married into western neighboring countries, namely, the Tuyuhun Kingdom ( 吐谷渾 ) and the Gao-Chang Kingdom ( 高 昌 ). These western kingdoms were located at strategic points on the East-West trade route, and the Turks wielded strong influence in these areas from the beginning. The Sui dynasty married two princesses to the kings of these western kingdoms in order to place them under its influence and prevent them from cooperating with the Turks.
Thus, Hefan gongzhu were diplomatically and strategically used by the Sui dynasty to control neighboring countries.
皇后祔廟攷初探―以別廟的系譜與睿宗二后為中心―
猪俣 貴幸
根據自漢至唐歷代正史之《后妃傳》，可以發現顯然皇后的人數比皇帝還多。 這是肇因於后妃遭到廢黜或早逝，皇帝别立皇后；或是庶出皇子繼位後，追尊生母 爲皇后等原因所致。但依宗廟之禮，緣「一帝一后」之制，皇帝的神主牌位只應配
外 文 摘 要 78 祀皇后一人。 本稿整理歷朝皇后配祀之事例，縱觀自漢至唐先帝嫡妻與新帝生母孰得配祀太 廟的問題。分析發現自漢至南朝之系譜中基本上先帝嫡妻得以配座；曹魏時期，新 帝生母則另營别廟予以祭祀。對之，北魏則出現於太廟中配祀皇帝生母之岐異。及 至初唐時期，由於皇后嫡出之皇子繼承皇位，因而不曾產生嫡妻與生母不同之矛盾 現𧰼。然而自代宗以降，基本上不立皇后，遂使太廟配祀皇帝生母成為常態。 於此變遷過程中，針對睿宗二位皇后（睿宗皇后劉氏與玄宗生母竇氏）之配祀 問題，筆者指出：相較上一代，卽開元四年之别廟祀嫡妻、太廟祀生母之配祀，玄 宗於開元二十一年無視於「一帝一后」之制，將兩母配祀睿宗一事别具特殊性格。 進而，筆者嘗試透過仁宗朝的奏議以及後世的評價，闡明玄宗的二后配祀如何 影响了北宋時朞一位皇帝配祀多位皇后的制度；並明白指出玄宗首開二后配祀的先 例，此擧對於北宋的多后配祀現𧰼產生了重大影响。
浅析天命后期八旗各固山的牛录数目
増井 寛也
后金天命（1616-1626 年）前期，八旗制度面临着严峻的考验。当时，由于 八旗（即八固山 ) 各固山的牛录 ( 固山的基层组织）数目之间年存在着不小的差距， 因而导致了各固山领主（满语称「贝勒」，即努尔哈赤子侄）之间不可避免地产生 了矛盾。因此为了稳定八旗制度，必须平衡每固山的牛录数量。于是在天命后期， 努尔哈赤继续调整各固山的牛录数量，基本上解决了这一难题。关于天命后期的 八旗改革，目前尚未引起学界的充分关注。故笔者就此问题进行了初歩的探讨。The Whereabouts of the Sovereign’ s Seal: A Conflict of
Legitimacies
T
ANAKA, Kazuki
The study of Chinese seals in postwar Japan began as part of the field of research on Han-Era history, and seals have been analyzed from various
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79 perspectives, such as the relationship between China and neighboring ethnic groups, the functional differentiation of the Son of Heaven ( 天 子 ) and the Emperor ( 皇帝 ), and tools of identification for bureaucrats, etc. However, the problem concerning the inheritance of the sovereign’ s seal − for example the Heirloom Seal of the Realm ( 伝国璽 ) or the Six Seals of the Emperor ( 皇 帝 六 璽 ) – has not received due attention. This paper analyzes the relation between the sovereign’ s seal of each dynasty (from A.D. 300 to 420) and the legitimacy that those seals created.
Immediately after the fall of the Xijin Dynasty ( 西 晋 ), the Heirloom Seal of the Realm was in the hands of the barbarians, but due to political reasons they could not promote their legitimacy by the seal. Meanwhile, since the Dongjin Dynasty ( 東 晋 ) lacked the Heirloom Seal of the Realm, according to a second plan, they acquired the Six Seals of the Emperor from Xianbei ( 鮮卑 ) tribes (Murong ( 慕容 ), Duan ( 段 ), etc.) through diplomatic routes and tried to prove their legitimacy. But due to the doubtful origin of these seals, they were not very successful. With the fall of the Houzhao Dynasty ( 後趙 ) in the Central Plain, the Heirloom Seal of the Realm came to Dongjin, and the problem was resolved.
From the above discussion, it is clear that simply possessing the sovereign’ s seal was not enough to prove the legitimacy of the owner, and that only when the owner was a figure whose legitimacy was widely acknowledged did the seal become a symbol of his legitimacy.
