・Article・
Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the
Gujarat Earthquake of 2001
Miwa Kanetani
1. Introduction
The purpose of this article is to examine what happened to communities in Bhuj, the district capital of Kachchh, when people in the stricken areas were relocated after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001.
On the morning of 26 January 2001-Republic Day-a massive earthquake measuring
magnitude 6.9 on the Richter scale struck Kachchh in the western part of Gujarat. Final reports counted 16,500 dead (around 14,000 in Kachchh). Hundreds of thousands of people lost their homes. I had carried out fieldwork on textile and Muslim artisans for a period of more than one year in Bhuj. I had left the town thirteen months earlier, after I finished gathering data for my doctoral thesis. I was shocked to find out that there were 2,370 fatalities in Bhuj, and that another 3,187 people were critically injured. Inspectors assessed that 11,036 houses had completely collapsed, and another 27,617 were listed as partially collapsed [BHADA 2003: 4]. In May 2001, I managed to return to Kachchh for ten days to see how my "family" and friends were faring. Flattened Bhuj was hardly recognizable. I was unable to return to Kachchh until October 2003, which marked the beginning of a series of visits in 2004 and 20051 to study the reconstruction process.
Kachchh has long been susceptible to drought, cyclones and other types of natural calamity, and its nomadic people have found ways of adjusting to the seasonal cycle.
金 谷 美 和 Miwa Kanetani
Author: JSPS Research Fellow, National Museum of Ethnology Subject: Cultural anthropology
Articles: "Veils-Creating Boundaries between Hindus and Muslims in India: A Case Study in Kachchh, Gujarat in Cultural Anthropology, 70(1):77-98, 2005.(in Japanse)
"Tie -Dyed Cloth production as " Handicraft": Dyer's Adaptation to Change in Demand for Indian Textiles" in Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology, 29(3): 429-466.(in Japanese)
Although Kachchh had previously been struck by great earthquakes in 1819 and 1957, the earthquake of 2001 was different because news of the calamity was broadcast all over the world, and national and international aid for reconstruction was forthcoming. Recovery from disaster is usually slow and it is easy to imagine how the wrong types of
remedies are applied due to political expediency. Oliver-Smith has suggested that relief and
reconstruction can be seen as being far more destructive to the social, moral, economic, and environmental fabric of an area than the physical damage wrought by an earthquake. After large-scale devastation, the rehabilitation and reconstruction process may continue for generations beyond those who suffered the original disaster. Development "programs", bringing with them a tribe of experts working on "projects", may become durable fixtures in the social landscape [Oliver-Smith 1996: 313-314]. Five years have already passed since the earthquake in Kachchh, and each time I go there I feel that the place is changing in both material and social terms.
There are three types of studies of post-disaster processes in general. First, there are studies of post-disaster social change.2 In such studies, hazards and catastrophes are regarded as instruments of change in the structure and organization of societies. Ethnographic fieldwork clearly reveals that disaster affects religion and ritual, economics and politics, and kinship and association. Oliver-Smith describes how the politico-economic structure of Yungai city in the Andes totally changed during reconstruction [Oliver-Smith 1992]. Some historical studies have traced the aftermath of disaster and shown that the changes set off by the social response to calamity can take decades to unfold.3
Secondly, there are studies that look at the details of the rehabilitation process with the purpose of evaluating the rehabilitation of victims. Recent disaster prevention studies4 have given new emphasis on the importance of considering how to mitigate risk and disaster damage, and taking into account social factors in the disaster hazard area. Contribution of anthropological studies to disaster management is discussed [Oliver-Smith 1996] and there is a possibility that these studies may be useful for disaster management.' Ethnography is advocated as an important method for analyzing disaster process in disaster prevention studies [Tanaka et al. 2000; Shigekawa 2005].
Thirdly, there are studies about what the experience of disaster brings to those affected by it. For example, in a study based in the Philippines, Shimizu gives an account of how a minority group developed an identity, gained recognition, and negotiated with development agencies concerning what kind of reconstruction they wanted after a disaster [Shimizu 2003]. Simpson's study presents a victim's narrative and identifies resurgence and subsequent diminishing of regionalism in Kachchh after the earthquake [Simpson 2005]. Other interesting studies deal with collective memories of disaster [Terada 2004]
and representations of disaster [Hoffman 1999].
Disasters have been subject to little anthropological study.6 Many disaster studies, however, have made it clear that the effects of disaster are as deeply embedded in the social structure of a society as they are in the environment [Hayashi 2005: 2]. According
to Hayashi, disaster can be understood as human experience, and anthropological method such as writing ethnography (including interviews, collection of histories and life-stories) is suitable for understanding individual experiences of disaster [Hayashi 2005: 5].
In this article, I consider the process of reconstruction after the disaster in Bhuj, focusing in particular on the ways in which each of the residents rebuilt their lives by employing the resources available to them. I also point out the fact that Bhuj town is gradually losing its atmosphere of community harmony as a result of choices made by individuals who want to reconstruct better lives. The fact that the government and NGOs have made caste a channel for resources greatly influences individual choices.
In the case of Bhuj, even though neighborhood groups and caste associations both play important roles in local life, the government and NGOs have neglected liaison with the neighborhood groups and relied only on caste associations to carry out relocation from the damaged walled town to the suburbs of Bhuj. The way this relocation from the walled town was carried out led to uni-caste-exclusive housing colonies scattered around the suburbs. Relocation has concentrated residence in areas based on caste and religion. This socio-spatial rearrangement has torn apart the former cross-religious neighborhood relationships.
I employed the following methods in this article to argue what I have mentioned above. I referred to the library of local newspapers in order to get an overall picture of the process of rehabilitation. I carefully read through the articles regarding town planning of Bhuj with help of my assistant. At the same time, I conducted long interviews with individuals. Among these I particularly spent a long time with 5 persons. I distributed questionnaires to 46 people living in slums.' I also asked about the experiences of some other people through
informal conversations which I have included in my discussion.
It is difficult even to grasp what is happening in situations of disaster and reconstruction since many events are occurring simultaneously. However, I have made a constant and conscious effort not only to describe the process as a whole but also to retrace the people's personal experiences and narratives. Individual experiences and choices are greatly influenced by the whole process of reconstruction. I have also tried to place individual choices in the context of the reconstruction process.
In the following, I will give an account of Bhuj in Section 2. Section 3 gives an overview of reconstruction policies, relocation programs and town planning. Section 4 discusses individuals' experiences of and choices in the disaster and rehabilitation. In Section 5, I argue that religion plays an important part in the people's consciousness.
2. Background of Bhuj
Kachchh
district
is located
in the western
corner
of the state
of Gujarat.
It is an isolated
piece
of land surrounded
by sea and swampland.
The north has a border
with Pakistan
Table1
with swampland (rann) in between, and the west faces the Arabian Sea. Since the old times, Gujarati merchants went to the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa for trade. The population is 1,262,507 (1991 census) of which 80% are Hindu, less than 20% Muslim, and the rest Jain and others. Caste composition is shown in Table 1.
Bhuj was established as the capital of the kingdom of Kachchh in 1548 by a Hindu king, originally a Jadeja Rajput from Sind. Figure 1 shows the walled town of Bhuj with an
explanation
of some
of the local names found on the map. The town was surrounded
by a
thick wall (gadh)
with 5 gates (naku).
Small
houses
and shops
lined both sides of the narrow
curvilinear
streets (seri),
which were connected
by junctions (chok)
of varying proportion
and scale. Besides
seri and chok,
the place names
faliya, deli (or delo),
and matam were
common
in the town. Faliya
means street and deli (delo)
refers to the gate on a street or of a
house
with an open space
in front surrounded
by a wall. Many
faliya,
seri, deli,
and delo
were
named after castes and occupations.
Those
who worked
for the king were clustered
around
the palace,
and this led to the long-lasting
divisions
in the walled
town of Bhuj.
The Hindus
had caste groups, and the Muslims
had groups that were similar.
Before
independence,
they lived
near the palace
and worked
for the king. Each caste association
had a community
hall-commonly referred
to as vali,
jamaat khana, and other terms-which was available
for wedding ceremonies
and community feasts.
Matam originally
means mourning in
Arabic, and was a place where portable palanquins
called taziyas
were enshrined during
Muharram
in Bhuj.
According to the dictionary,
faliya means street. In Bhuj, the word refers also to
neighborhoods,
which were the hubs of community
activities
in the town, and involved
a
network
that extended
beyond caste and religion.
People
had what they called "our own
neighborhood
(asanlyo
faliyo)" in which they participated.
However,
this faliya did not
usually have such clear borderlines
and affiliations.
In the evenings,
many people were
seen chatting here and there in the chok
and small open spaces
in front of houses.
Human
relationships
in the faliya were about people meeting each other and chatting in everyday
life. They also had to do with knowing
about what was happening
to each others'
families
and relatives
and caring about each other. Faliya
manifested
in concrete
ways during times
of festivals.
For example,
faliya members came together for the Navratri festival and Muharram
in the small open spaces
called chok.
Navratri is held for nine nights in the month of Aso
(September
to October)
in honor of a female
deity.
The people worship
both Ashapura
as
the guardian deity of entire Kachchh,
and kuldevis
as guardians of specific
caste groups.
Every night during Navratri, people sing hymns and dance around a statue or picture of
the goddess
on an occasion
called garba.
The open spaces
where this takes place are called
garbi chok.
Muharram was originally
observed
to mourn the Shiite Imam Hussein who
was martyred
in Karbala.
In Kachchh,
Sunni Muslims
and some
Shiites
carry a palanquin
in his honor. On the map, matam
is a name referring to those, often families, who are
responsible
for taziyas.
This portable shrine was installed
in the chok.
Muslims
of the same
faliya participated
in Hindu festivals,
and in turn Hindus of the same
faliya participated
in Muslim festivals.
In this way,
faliya was a place
where social
relations
beyond religious
differences
were fostered
in both everyday
life and in occasions
of festivals.
Kachchh
became
a district
of Gujarat
state after the partition in 1948. Bhuj
town spilled
over from the confines
of the walled town. Parts of the walls
were destroyed
and the town
hall, district police office
and other public facilities
were built outside the walls. Several
middle class housing colonies were constructed in the south. Meanwhile, the site of the former army camp at the foot of Bhuja Hill in eastern outer Bhuj was illegally occupied by poor people.
3. Process of Rehabilitation 3-1. Damage and compensation
Economic losses surpassed INR15,000 crores (JPY 375 billion) [GSDMA 2004: 1]. But a huge amount of money was made available both by the Gujarat State Government (180 crore rupees) and overseas agencies, the World Bank (1,712 crore rupees) and the Asia Development Bank (339 crore rupees) [KNNA 2003: 122]. The government organization
responsible for reconstruction, GSDMA (Gujarat State Disaster Management Authority),
controls sectors for rebuilding houses, infrastructure, long term disaster management etc. Rehabilitation has been undertaken by both the government and NGOs. Because NGO participation in development is long established in Gujarat, these organizations have coordinated their activities and complement each other. Since the 1980s the Indian government has recognized NGOs as agencies that promote development and have given them grants [Saito 2003: 37]. There is a local NGO called Kutch Nav Nirman Abhiyan8 that supports and coordinates the projects of 220 domestic and international NGOs, the government, and the UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) [KNNA 2003: 123-194].
Compensation for victims, available from the state government, was announced on 26 January 2001. The death compensation is INR 100,000 for elders, INR 60,000 for minors, INR 150,000 for government employers, and INR 110,000 for school children9, while aid for housing damage is allocated according to a damage rating from 1 to
G-5.10 The maximum level is G-5, where the amount payable is calculated according to a rate
applied to the existing built up area multiplied by INR 3,000, with a ceiling set at INR
150,000.11 It is difficult to decide what constitutes sufficient compensation. Nevertheless,
the compensations provided by the state government seem to be sufficient. It takes INR 250,000 to INR 350,000 to construct 2 or 3 rooms of earthquake-proof residence with kitchen, bathroom and toilet in Bhuj. INR 150,000 of compensation will cover 40 to 50% of construction expenditure. It is a much more caring social security than Japan, since the Japanese government refused the victims of the Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake in 1995 compensation for rebuilding private residences, which were regarded as private property.
There is a restriction regarding compensation for reconstructing homes, namely that the money must be returned if the reconstruction does not begin before the prescribed date. It is clear, nonetheless, that the compensations provided a starting point for the earthquake victims.
3-2. Town planning and relocation
Four towns—Bhuj, Anjar, Bachau, and Rapal-suffered large-scale devastation and the Government of Gujarat announced five reconstruction packages with provisions for cities, relocation, onsite reconstruction, town planning and infrastructure.
In Bhuj, before the earthquake, 200,000 people lived in 35,000 households. Of these, 25,000 households occupied the old walled town called gamtal. Damage in the walled town was much more severe than in the suburbs because of its much denser population. In particular, residents of older houses dating back to the period of royal rule suffered. Newer houses, while not so susceptible, were also damaged. Relatively recently built structures, including concrete buildings with and without reinforcement, fell sideways or fell in on to the lower floors. GSDMA decided that Bhuj should re-emerge as an earthquake-proof town, well prepared for the future with modern facilitates. BHADA (Bhuj Area Development Authority) came into force from 9 May 2001 to promote and regulate development within its area of jurisdiction.
After the earthquake, with the intention of building a disaster proof city, BHADA implemented town planning, or TP as it is familiarly referred to. To lessen population density in the walled town, BHADA encouraged people to relocate and built two 3.6-meter wide ring roads inside the walled town. In this road-widening project, BHADA had to take over private residential land and open spaces. People, whose houses had suffered either G-5 category destruction or whose property was to be completely or partially acquired for TP, were offered a 100-square-meter plot at any designated relocation site in return for surrendering land up to 100 square meters. Moreover, new housing constructions were required to be earthquake resistant.
The government designated four relocation sites for people who were affected by TP. Three sites, Rawalwadi, Mundra, and R.T.O. were actually equipped with infrastructure such as housing plots, road from Bhuj old town, water supply, and drainage. Together these resettlement areas, containing 2,824 housing plots, cover about 1,200 square kilometers. House building started at these relocation sites on 28 October 2002. By June 2003, 815 plots were allotted, and 200 houses completed at the three relocation sites, and people
started to be relocated.12 In January 2004, the Municipality of Bhuj started to collect water
supply tariffs from the residents of relocation sites.13 All roads at the three relocation sites were completed by July 2004.14
Town planning did not progress smoothly. As the District Collector, a central government appointee with ultimate authority in a district, was changed five times after the earthquake, TP underwent five revisions. According to the well regarded local newspaper
Kachchhmitra, TP was announced at least five times (February 2001, May 2001, August
2001, September 2001, December 2001).15 Town planning started in May 2002, but only
really took off after District Collector Sharma, the fifth appointee after the earthquake, took charge on 31 May 2003. The people of Bhuj had to struggle with the vagaries of the TP situation as they tried to piece their lives back together. Some people simply left their
original residence because they could not wait for the implementation of TP. Jains, Khoja and Bhora Shiite Muslims, and some other groups who had resided in the walled town, received donation from overseas religious associations, and were able to build colonies in outer Bhuj.
In the next section, let us look at how the people employed the aid provided by the government and NGOs for their rehabilitation in the context of development of two programs for the reconstruction of Bhuj-relocation plans to relocation sites and town planning-discussed above.
4. People's Choices in Reconstructing Their Lives
4-1. People who depended on caste associations
Applications for relocation sites constructed by the government were open to all the victims of the disaster who lived in the old town. However, as it turned out, most of the people who moved to the relocation sites were Hindus, and moreover Hindus of particular castes. Table 2 shows that the families planned to gain plots in the relocation sites in units of caste association [BHADA 2003: 19]. Among the groups to which those families belonged, the following groups were obviously caste associations called samaj, such as Darji samaj, Rajgor samaj, Jethi samaj, Bhanusali group, Soni group, Kansara, and Mali group. The other two relocation sites have the same feature. In Rawalwadi site, Lohana caste was allotted 215 plots among the 1025 plots [BHADA 2003: 23].
The plots in relocation sites were allocated according to a drawing that was presented on 23 June 200216, and the results were announced on 11 July 2002. Participants requested that BHADA allocate the plots in blocks according to caste association, and BHADA
Table 2 Groups in RTO site
accepted the argument that such allocation was socially important. In addition, it is written in the report that since Hindus, Muslims and Jains also have samaj, caste organization was chosen as the unit for aid in accordance with the social conditions of the local society
[BHADA 2003: 19].
NGO reports are predominantly concerned with caste association [KNNA 2002]. Similar tendencies can be seen in reconstruction projects aided by NGOs in villages. In places, NGO giving aid to single caste groups has led villages to fragment into two or three villages. According to an article in the local magazine Kalas, 17 villages have been
split up through the activities of NGOs [Kalas 2002: 10].17 In short, the government and
NGOs considered only caste associations as representatives of the residents. This indeed took into consideration the realities of the local society and was in accordance with the residents' wishes, but it led to the exclusion from aid of people who were not part of caste organizations.
Let me give one example. Bharat's plot was sanctioned in Mundra relocation site 6 kilometers from the walled town of Bhuj. New neighborhood networks were being set up in relocation sites when I visited there in October 2005. But Muslims were excluded from the sites.
He invited me to his house to witness a garba dance on the eighth night of Navratri in October 2005. His new residence is in a tract of detached houses with gardens facing wide roads where cars and motorcycles can park on either side. The scene is completely different from that in the old walled town, where houses were pressed up against each other along narrow streets. Bharat told me, "I can't say I am happy that the earthquake happened. It caused me a lot of suffering. But, because of the earthquake, I could move to this good living environment." In 2005, about 1,000 families had already moved in and felt settled enough to organize the first garba dance in the relocation site. I wondered if the garba dance marked the establishment of a new faliya. Bharat answered, "We are proud of our new faliya. We live all together here. We get on with each other beyond differences in caste." I asked him whether any Muslim families had settled in the colony. He said, "None of us have excluded Muslims, we welcome them. But there are no Muslim families in this colony."
Another important point is that, although many Hindu caste groups made applications, no Muslim group equivalent to a caste association, and only few Muslim families, applied for plots in the relocation sites. I will come back to this point later.
4-2. People who wanted to sustain the neighborhood
While the walled town of Bhuj had both neighborhood groups and caste associations, the government and NGOs considered only caste associations as representatives of the residents. Neighborhood groups were only vaguely recognized.
Some residents wanted to relocate en bloc as a neighborhood group. Nalin, who was vice president of a civil organization, Bhuj Development Council, felt that BHADA had to consider afaliya centered reconstruction of Bhuj town. To apply for a plot in a relocation site,
one group formed afaliya committee on February 2002. Fifty residences of Soniwar faliya gathered together with him and collected a membership fee of INR 5,000 per household. They utilized the fees to hire an engineer to draw up their blueprint. They made a request to BHADA for relocation that could maintain the neighborhood network in the new colony. The committee had a meeting with BHADA in April 2003, and members represented thirty questions to BHADA. The committee was disbanded in February 2004, however, after BHADA did not reply to their request for almost a year, and sanctioned plots only
for some members of the committee.18 Nalin expressed his opinion in the Kachchhmitra
that BHADA should be concerned about faliya, but no other neighborhood group was created after that incident. One of the members of this committee was disillusioned by the failure of his relocation as a faliya member and said that he did not want to talk about it very much. He decided to reconstruct his house in the same place as it had stood before, and built a small but comfortable house using the reconstruction aid and his own funds. He was proud of the fact that he did not receive any aid from NGOs and told me, "You
see, this makes me happy in certain way."
Why did BHADA sanction plots only for part of the faliya committee members and try to prevent the neighborhood movement? Members whom I interviewed did not talk much about it and said to me that the only reason was political. In my view, which of course is hypothetical, the reason why BHADA obstructed the Soniwar faliya committee was because they disliked Nalin who was the representative of the committee. He was one of the main activists of the civil organization, Bhuj Development Council, which criticized the reconstruction work carried out by BHADA. He led the demonstration against BHADA, after BHADA cut down the roadside trees according to the town planning. He was a
fa-mous critic against BHADA, and often wrote criticisms about them in Kachchhmitra. He
criticized that BHADA tried to execute the town planning of Bhuj ignoring the citizens' wishes. This might have led BHADA to go against the neighborhood movement orga-nized by Nalin. Compared to faliya committees, some caste organizations seemed to be sanctioned many plots in the relocation sites, because they had political power by having personal and kinship networks with government officers. As relocation and reconstruction progressed, the old faliya neighborhoods were cleared away with the rubble.
4-3. People who depended on religious sect
Those who were without aid and unable to reconstruct their houses in relocation sites could apply to NGOs. The biggest grant was given by BAPS (Bochasanwasi Akshar Pu-rushottam Sanstha), an Ahmedabad based NGO of the Hindu Swaminarayan sect.' At the Mundra relocation site, BAPS undertook construction of houses for Swaminarayan followers on 290 housing plots out of the total of 1097 on the site [BHADA 2003: 21]. In one case, Swaminarayan devotee Suraj lost his small, INR 1,000 per month house in the walled town. After the earthquake, he and his old mother were accommodated in a Swaminarayan temple for two months, and then lived for two years in a house provided
by BAPS. They then moved to the colony made by the BAPS where, after receiving INR 120,000 as tenant compensation from the Gujarat government, bought land and a house for INR 200,000. While Suraj is anxious because he still has no steady income and has to pay the remaining 80,000 rupees, his mother is happy that her good neighbors are all Swaminarayan followers. This example shows that some residents are satisfied with caste and religious wise relocation. Suraj's house before the earthquake was located in the cen-ter of the old town and he had many Muslim neighbors. However, there are no Muslim neighbors living near his new house.
4-4. Muslim people's choices
As already mentioned, Hindus were the main applicants for relocation sites. Muslims did not apply for plots in the relocation sites organized by BHADA. Where then did the Muslim people move? Many of them moved to north Bhuj and the western suburbs. There are slums in western Bhuj and 80% of the population there are said to be Muslim.
Haroon, who lost his dyeing workshop and whose house was rated G2, surrendered his property in the old walled town to TP. He asserted that did not want to apply for a plot in the relocation site, because he would not be happy there. For him, an unhappy life meant an isolated life in the relocation site. It is difficult to lead a community life away from relatives and other Khatris. However, he says it is unlikely that the Khatris will apply together for a relocation site as a caste organization.
Muslim Khatri is a traditional craft group of dyers. In Bhuj in 1998, there were 393 households with a population comprising around 2,500, the third largest Muslim popula-tion in Kachchh. They formerly occupied the Khatri Chakla neighborhood in the walled town, and had a well organized caste association called jamaat and a community house. After the earthquake, however, people in the Khatri community tended to go their own way rather than get together to apply for reconstruction aid.' Although some families did gain some land in outer Bhuj, named the Khatri colony, only 10 households moved there.
In fact, Haroon cannot, as a dyer, live without the Khatri association, which is necessary
for match making and business networking. There is tension, however, in the caste group, which is both a vehicle of cooperative action and intense competition [Kanetani 2005]. Haroon told me that he would prefer, if possible, to live without any Khatris neighbors. He hesitated to apply for a relocation site because filling in all the documents required for an application is time consuming, and for self-employed people like himself, going to the office every day and queuing half the day to get signatures from administrators meant that he could not work during that time and hence lose income. It should also be borne in mind that life is far from easy for people like him who has not received complete schooling.'
At last, he bought some land and built a new house and workshop in a colony 500 me-ters north-west of the walled town. Most of the population of this colony and neighboring slum area are Muslims. The colony dates back to a farm owned by a member of the Muslim Bakari caste (bakaro means vegetable and bakari means grower). Development of a housing
colony began about 20 years ago, after the farm was washed away in a flood from Hamirsar Lake. Land in the north and northwest of outer Bhuj is mainly owned by Muslim Bakaris, who originally received it as a grant from the royal family. Abdul, a 65-year-old Bakari said,
"When the groundwater fell because of the 1956 earthquake
, my land dried up. That's why I sold part of my land for a housing colony." Numerous Muslims have relocated to such colonies in the north and west of outer Bhuj.
Haroon built a larger house and workshop by using housing reconstruction aid, and aid for handicraft development from the central government and NGO.22 This led to other Khatris becoming jealous of him and their insults hurt Haroon.
After Haroon relocated, he was continuously harassed by other Khatris. One incident involved me and helped me to better understand what was going on amongst them. When I returned to Bhuj after two and half years, many Khatri families invited me to lunch. Soon afterwards I suffered a serious stomach ache. Haroon's wife clearly expressed her opinion that I had been struck by bhakio, a species of najar, the evil eye. The evil eye phenom-enon—the belief that someone can project harm by looking at another's property or person [Maloney 1972]—is known in many societies. She asserted that someone "looked" at the food that I was going to eat, and that gave me a stomach ache. Pocock suggests that the evil eye is apprehended more from those with whom one is, in most other respects, equal, or has reason to expect to be. It is most to be feared when those with whom one should be equal are, in fact, not so. At the social level, evil eye has the fiercest effect in large castes, where a man in one lineage can live in contentment while another kinsman may spend his life close to starvation [Pocock 1973: 24-39].
Haroon's wife and daughter postulated that the source of bhakio, was a Khatri who, after
Haroon had built a house in a colony, had been gossiping that Haroon had resorted to fraud to finance the construction. Haroon broke off their relationship which had existed before the earthquake. I was probably regarded as a member of Haroon's household and thus a target for attack by anyone who was jealous of Haroon. This kind of fission often occurs when outside aid comes, and segmentary opposition is likely to become evident in disaster zones. Simpson mentions that access to the government's coffers is highly competitive and becomes a source of jealousy, rivalry and suspicion, leading to the fragmentation of social networks [Simpson 2005: 238]. In this way, we can understand why many Muslims did not apply for relocation sites and moved to north Bhuj, residential areas in the western suburbs and slums.
Not all Muslims, however, want to live in north and west outer Bhuj. A middle class Muslim, Mohamad, bought land and a house in a colony in east outer Bhuj after his for-mer house was totally destroyed and his land was acquired for town planning. He neither wanted to apply for a relocation site, which was too distant from the walled town to allow his father to meet his oldfaliya friends, nor did he want to live in a "Muslim area" in north or west outer Bhuj, where he considered the educational environment to be inadequate for his children. He felt that he had initially been excluded from one housing colony where
most of dwellers were Hindu middle class, because he was Muslim. Then he bought land of the Gujarat Housing Board in a colony near a well-known English middle school. He is now satisfied with his new place of residence, a colony of both Muslims and Hindus who have middle class backgrounds.
However, he had to make a lot of effort to get substitute land for the one seized by the town planning. This was because his former neighbor who shared the land registration with him had given away the land on which his house was built without his permission. He filed a suit with the court against his neighbor. Hence the reconstruction of his house could not proceed on time and he had to return the compensation funds for housing reconstruction. Due to such problems with an oldfaliya neighbor, he does not think he wants to live where he used to live.
4-5. People who did not have access to aid
In the preceding section, examples were given of people for whom reconstruction was
relatively painless, and who benefited due to access to resources such as aid from the
govern-ment and non-governgovern-mental organizations. Now, I would like to consider people who did
not have any reliable agencies like caste associations during the reconstruction. Community
self-help relies on the ability to mobilize resources, and those resources usually depend on long-standing social institutions, such as caste associations. Some people had no access to these associations, which were interposed between the government and NGOs and the people needing help.
Much research in recent years has focused on how, after disasters, certain populations are, or become, more vulnerable than others, and on how various segments of society re-cover differently in the aftermath of calamity. Variability factors can include race, ethnicity, class, poverty, gender and age. Sociological studies of disaster have been giving priority to investigating vulnerability in disaster [Zaman 1999].
Another section of the population who were unable to utilize the aid was those who dwelled in slum areas. According to DMI, a local NGO that works in slum areas, a slum is defined as illegal occupation. In Bhuj, there are 15 slums, occupied by 25,800 people who live in 6,055 households. Slums attract people from different castes and religious backgrounds. Consequently, while mosque and temple associations may exist, caste as-sociations are not present.
Generally, low-income earners who cannot afford safe housing are at greatest risk in disasters [Oliver-Smith 1996]. My own interviews in the slums, however, do not bear this out. Not many houses in the slums that I visited had collapsed or were partly destroyed. Even when their houses were damaged, the tenants showed no evidence that this was source
of serious inconvenience. But my evidence does not corroborate that slum dwellers were not
marginalized after the earthquake. They remain uninvestigated and uncompensated mainly because they are not the registered holders of property rights, even though some have, to all intents and purposes, bought the property they occupy. I have heard non-slum dwellers
assert that people from the slums received huge amounts of aid. All I can say is that none of my slum informants showed any evidence of profiting from aid.
Sanjognagar is a slum in northwest of the walled town at the confluence of drainage from the walled town. Around 40 years ago, one man built a house in what was wasteland belonging to the government. This first squatter then started selling land and houses to newcomers. As the number of houses increased, it became a de facto housing colony. It now comprises more than 1,000 houses in one contiguous area. About 80% of the population are reckoned to be Muslims. The slum receives no municipal water supply, sewerage, or garbage collection.
After his house and workplace in the walled town collapsed and part of his land was acquired by the town planning, Ahmad bought land and a house in the slum area for INR 165,000. Dyeing is a local industry and the workshops are often the artisans' houses. Hence the people could not restart their work without reconstructing their houses. Many people tried to do the reconstruction by themselves as they could not wait for the town planning which was dragging on with nothing at all being decided. He came here because many of his relatives were living nearby. Some Muslims are living temporarily in the slum, until they rebuild houses in the walled town. Mariyam and his son lost their land to town plan-ning and have bought a house in the slum area. They have not yet decided where to build a permanent house.
I noticed that, as in the official relocation sites, new neighborhoods were being estab-lished in the slums after the influx of earthquake victims. In 2004, two taziyas palanquins were brought from the walled town and carried by the neighborhood group in a slum near Sanjoganagar. I think it can be said that taziya processions mark the establishment of a neighborhood network, in a way similar to the practice of garba in relocation sites. The taziyas that were brought by refugees from the walled town have been managed by residents there since the days of royal rule. The taziyas were originally gifts from the king to those who worked for the king and lived around the palace. A procession of taziyas was
annually patronized by the king. Taziyas brought from the walled town were referred to as
"
our neighborhood taziya (asaniyo faliyojo taziyo)" [Kanetani 2006].
People well understand, however, that residence in a slum is not secure. When town planning got underway after 2003, construction of an airport road began in outer Bhuj. BHADA removed some houses that had been built in a slum after the earthquake, and did not honor a promise to allow those who had been dispossessed to move to a relocation site, because the site was suspended.' The slum dwellers express anxiety about being relocated in the future.
One day I visited some informants in a slum house, and found the people strangely excited by the NGO visiting that area. Staff from an NGO had come to carry out a survey of each household in the slum area. People were not informed of the objects of the research. As a result, it made the people misunderstand why the NGO came, and made them excited. One person expressed with joy that she had, at last, received aid to repair her damaged
house, and another expressed anxiety that she might be relocated. The NGO, however, had not come with the purpose of providing aid or relocating anyone. They were measuring buildings for the Geographical Information System, which is intended to be useful in mitigating the risk of disaster vulnerable people in slums if disasters such an as earthquake or cyclone should strike. The anxieties raised by the survey show how people in slums live in insecurity and are prone to anxiety.
4-6. People who were not affected by the disaster but sought better lives There were areas in Kachchh which were not so affected by the earthquake, and some
people suffered comparatively less even in the affected areas. But even amongst such people,
some considered the rehabilitation programs as opportunities for receiving aid and left their original place of residence in search for better lives.
The largest population left from Banni area in northern Kachchh. In Banni, close to the Pakistan border, many Harijans left their ancestral villages and occupied land on the northern outskirts of Bhuj. In Banni, Muslims comprise a dominant 70% to 80% of the population, far beyond the 19% average for the whole of Kachchh. In Banni, the Muslims regard Harijans as cobblers who are dependent on Muslim cattle breeders, and so far below themselves that they would never receive water from them. Harijan people took advantage of the disaster aid to leave their original villages. Even though a NGO built houses in occupied land near Bhuj for them, the District Collector did not allow them to register the land that they occupied or facilitate the provision of electricity and water utilities. The District Police Superintendent has expressed concern that the exodus of Harijans will make the border area predominantly Muslim and threaten the security of Kachchh as a national
border district [Kachchhmitra 2002: 59].
Newcomers to the slum in Bhuj simply moved here after the earthquake. After the disaster, jobs involved in construction sites such as carpentry and masonry increased due to the reconstruction programs. People came from villages seeking job opportunities. Famida left her village in western Kachchh even though her former home was unaffected by the earthquake. She lives with her husband and five-year-old son in a house in a slum area that they rent for INR 500 a month. She said, "I am very happy here. My husband cannot find work in the village. Here in Bhuj, he has work and I can work at home as an artisan."24
As I have discussed above, when people rebuild their houses after a disaster and reconstruct their lives, their choices are determined by what kind of funds and aid are available, and what kind of social relations, groups and resources they can rely on. Only then can they choose what kind of life they think is ideal and comfortable. In the next section, I will discuss the way in which religion comes to influence the process of reconstruction and relocation.
5. Expanding Religion
Divisions according to religion have become more visible in the process of relocation from the walled town to the suburbs of Bhuj. Geographically, the colonies in the southern suburbs are Hindu, while the colonies are Muslim in the north. Figure 2 shows the division of suburb of Bhuj after town planning and relocation. At the same time, religious practices are gradually playing an increasingly significant role in daily life in Bhuj.
The most influential Islamic intellectual in Kachchh speaks to devotees whenever the occasion arises, as follows: "The earthquake was sent by God to punish impious persons and Muslims who do not practice properly and observe the commandments to do good deeds and conduct themselves as good Muslims should." After hearing this intellectual's preaching, one of my informants, who formerly attended prayers at the mosque only on Fridays, started going to the mosque more frequently. Greater attendance at the mosque both promotes the Islamic reformist movement and helps to spread belief in the saint (pir) in Kachchh by acquiring more followers. New mosques and madrasas have been built with aid granted by the Islamic NGO. One of my Hindu informants has indirectly indicated anxiety about the growing number of women wearing burga in the streets.
At the same time, the number of pilgrims visiting the main temple of the goddess Ashapura, the main deity of Kachchh, has increased after the earthquake.25 Every Navratri, some pilgrims go on foot to the temple, located 100 kilometers from Bhuj. When
I visited there in 2005, the temple building could not accommodate all the pilgrims, and the overflow had to be accommodated in camps outside the temple compound. One of the trustees of the temple informed that whereas 15 years ago only 30,000 pilgrims came in a year, 700,000 meals were prepared in 2005. As already mentioned, BAPS, a NGO organ of the Hindu Swaminarayan sect, was able to offer temporary and permanent houses for the sect followers. This practical demonstration of the benefits of membership, and the building of temples in villages, has reinforced the presence of the sect.
As town planning progresses and people are permanently relocated outside the walled town, the divisions in Bhuj become increasingly prominent. In the north and west suburbs there are colonies of Muslim Shiites and other Muslim castes such as Memon, Khatri, and there are slums. Relocated Hindus are attracted to relocation sites constructed in the south and east of the walled town, including one site that has a substantial colony of Hindu Swaminarayan devotees. Jains have their own colony in south outer Bhuj. As already mentioned, the old walled town of Bhuj did have divisions according to religion and caste, dating back to the royal rule. But the divisions in the old walled town and those in the reconstructed Bhuj are different. There is a qualitative change from the smallness and intimacy that used to be the salient features of old Bhuj. In a town contained within a four-kilometer circumference of walls, it was possible to walk anywhere inside the walls. In
the choks (small open spaces), Hindus attended Muharram and Muslims attended Navratri
garba dances, because they were neighborhood events organized by neighbors practicing different religions. The new patterns of residence since the earthquake provide people with less opportunity to meet people from different backgrounds.
Bhuj has spread to outer Bhuj. The distance between the north colony and south colony is 12 kilometers: too far for a casual walk. As suburban development proceeds, there will no longer be any need to come to the fort town at all. There are plans for shopping centers, schools, and dispensaries at each relocation site. In 2004, the Shiite Khoja held a Muharram in their own colony separately from the Sunni Muslims for the first time. In 2005, Hindus in the relocation sites celebrated Navratri without the participation of Muslim neighbors, simply because there were no longer any Muslim neighbors. The new patterns of residence decrease the likelihood of casual relationships developing between Hindus and Muslims in daily life and during festive occasions.
This fragmentation of the town and villages was not brought about by any coercion of a dominant political party or specific religious sect. It was rather caused by individuals following options that they felt were most suitable for them. After getting through the initial chaos and disruption of the disaster, as reconstruction and rehabilitation projects started, they had to make conscious decisions about how to reconstruct their own lives. Their choices were influenced by the kind of resources that were available. Questions the people asked themselves were: How much aid and compensation could they get? Could they get direct financial assistance from relatives or a caste association? How much could they afford to spend or borrow? What kind of living environment did they prefer to live
in? What kind of neighbors
did they want? How well did the place
of residence
fit in with
their work needs?
The disintegration
of old Bhuj was caused
by the perceived
multi-faceted
needs of its
residents
and influenced
by how they understood
the potential
of the new residential
areas
to provide
a comfortable
living environment.
Some people expressed
anxiety about living
in homogeneous
residential
areas. One Muslim
informant
said, "An all-Muslim
colony
is
not good for security.
If somebody
wants to attack one of the communities,
it's easy."
In Kachchh, communalism
has less influence
on people's social behavior than in
other parts of Gujarat.26
But changes
are becoming
apparent in the younger generation.
This became very apparent
to me in 2005. One evening,
as I was walking to a Hindu
informant's
house for dinner, some boys throw stones at me near his house. The daughter
of the house, a college
student,
commented
assertively,
"They
must be Muslim
boys."
Her
family
was as disconcerted
as I was by these words. She has no recollection
of Muslims
as
well known
neighbors,
and now they are unknown
people
who pose a threat.
My informant
commented,
"My daughter doesn't have even a single Muslim friend in her college
. It is very sad.
Previously,
wiser older people taught
the young
generation
how to live with neighbors.
We
are Hindu but, before
the earthquake,
we had several
Muslim
neighbors
behind our house.
We invited each other to have water and tea. Our families
had known each other since
our great-grandfather's
generation.
We are vegetarian,
and they are non-vegetarian.
As
our Muslim neighbors
understand
that we don't like the smell of meat, they would never
leave
meat and fish waste in public
spaces.
But after the earthquake,
our neighbors
left the
faliya.
Unknown
Muslims
bought the land to build their houses
nearby.
We are concerned
about how well we will get on with them. The younger
generation
is losing knowledge
of
how to live
with the different
communities."
This episode
illustrates
how informal
daily interactions
in the faliya used to function
to maintain social relationships
beyond religious
differences
but are gradually
becoming
lost due to reconstruction.
6. Conclusion
Just after the earthquake, there was increased
communal
harmony and integration.
People
helped each other and shared
what food and water they had. Community
kitchens
were set up and they distributed
food to people
without distinction
of religion.
This kind
of social
solidarity
and cooperation
after disasters
has been called the "post-disaster
utopia"
[Raphael
1989: 466].
But the post-disaster
reconstruction
that came to Kachchh
did more long-term
damage
to social harmony than the physical
destruction
wrought by the earthquake.
Agencies
came and made available massive funds for disaster rescue and reconstruction. Many of the victims of disaster received inadequate redress for the suffering that they endured, but many were able to use the earthquake as an opportunity to find a better living environment. The influx of aid money supported the relocation of not only people who were left homeless, but also those who were less affected.27
In Bhuj, relocation from the old walled town to outer Bhuj was seen as an urgent priority after the earthquake. To expedite this, both government and non-governmental organizations virtually ignored neighborhood groups and made caste associations the main
channel of access for grants and applications. This decision gave shape to the form of options
that became available to individuals. It also meant that the community form of old was unlikely to be recreated in any of the new settlements. The flow of funds along bureaucratic channels made the disintegration of former neighborhoods more likely. Even though there has been a trend toward more exclusive religious cohabitation, and even strong single-sect concentration, the impetus has not come from religious fundamentalists. In effect, however, public spaces where people of different religions had mingled for generations have disappeared along with the neighborhoods that sustained them. Town planning has ushered greater religious differentiation as people have moved out and created neighborhoods in relocation projects.
One result of this may be the spread of communal conflict to this part of Kachchh in the future. I do not want to present an idealized view of Bhuj before the earthquake. Different urban groups did not always coexist cordially. Friction and tension are part of any
community. Even before the earthquake, religious divisions in some colonies were apparent.
However, the point is that people found ways to absorb or dissipate such friction. In the future, a boiling point is more likely to be reached. The growth of the middle class and bourgeoisie related to the rise of the lower castes [Panini 1996] provides a background of expansion of Hindu nationalism, and gives powerful impetus to the development of a single Hindu "community" ideal, that is, a community united in opposition to the non-Hindu minorities [Fuller 2002: 496]. Social upheavals such as disaster and growth of the Hindu
middle class in relocation sites are likely to accelerate changes that were already underway.
It is a fact that a mixed population who once lived in the small and intimate walled town of Bhuj has been sorted into new communities that are scattered across the town. Familiarity at the personal level, which was probably a factor in preventing communalism, has been lost.
There is already evidence that the younger generation is growing up in more homogeneous colonies in which the casual opportunity to mix with friends or neighbors from different religious backgrounds is no longer there. The ignorance caused by this absence is likely to make it difficult to enter into and sustain good relations with others who practice different religions. In conclusion, the administration of post-earthquake reconstruction has encouraged the tearing apart of the delicate social fabric that existed before the disaster struck. We cannot say whether or not more enlightened attitudes could
have helped to recreate enduring communities in which tolerance could flourish. People who received aid made choices based on what they understood to be their own self-interest. It still remains important to know what kind of changes occurred and how these are likely to affect the future. To understand the dynamic of these changes, the necessity cannot be overemphasized of studying the experience of disaster and its aftermath, on the ground from the perspectives of the victims or, indeed, the beneficiaries.
Acknowledgements
The research on which this article is based was funded by a Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Re-search in 2003-2005 ("Ethnological Studies on Social Responses to the Natural Disasters in Asia-Pacific", coordinated by Professor Hayashi) and the Toyota Foundation Research Grant in
2003.1 thank the participants of the 2005 South Asia Study Meeting at Shizuoka, discussants
at the Research Group of National Museum of Ethnology on Anthropology and Disaster,
coor-dinated by Professor Hayashi, for helping me to form my ideas and refine my presentation.
Notes
1) Research was conducted in Kachchh from 19 October to 10 November in 2003, from 4
February to 7 March in 2004, from 13 May to 25 May in 2004, from 21 December in 2004 to 8 January in 2005, from 15 February to 20 March in 2005, and from 25 Septem-ber to 17 OctoSeptem-ber in 2005.
2) Oliver-Smith [1992] etc.
3) Some studies, e.g. Sorokin [1998], have focused on post-disaster social change from a historical viewpoint.
4) For example, Shaw [2005], Tanaka et al. [2000].
5) Shaw studies post disaster rehabilitation in underdeveloped countries, and says that it is necessary to consider projects participated by the local people for effective rehabilitation [Shaw 2005].
6) For example, Oliver-Smith & Hoffman (eds.) [1999], [2001].
7) The 46 households are those of artisans working in a dye factory. There are 2 Hindu
households and 44 Muslim households. Out of the 44 Muslim households, 38 households
are Khatris.
8) 22 NGO formed one networking group during the 1998 cyclone and worked collectively
for rehabilitation of victims in Abhiyan.
9) http://www.gsdma.org/reliefright.htm, 26 January 2004
10) The presence of half-inch wide cracks is considered as G-1; up to 10% damage is G-2;
up to 25% is G-3, above 25% is G-4; and total collapse or necessity for demolition is G-5 [BHADA 2003: 8].
8,000 [BHADA 2003: 8]. 12) Kachchhmitra 11 June 2003. 13) Kachchhmitra 1 January 2004. 14) Kachchhmitra 13 June 2004.
15) Kachchhmitra 27 February 2001, 10 May 2001, 5 August 2001 , 13 September 2001, 10 December 2001.
16) Kachchhmitra 24 June 2002.
17) Some fraudsters have cleverly used the NGOs' confidence in caste associations by sub-mitting documents that have been prepared to appear like convincing applications from a bona fide caste group, when, in fact, a single recipient received all the aid funds. Some corruptible staff of NGOs are known to request bribes to turn a blind eye when such ap-plications are made.
18) Kachchhmitra 27 February 2004.
19) Swaminarayan sect was established by Sahajanand Swami in the late eighteenth century in Gujarat, and now has 5 million devotees. It is the most successful of the neo-Hindu reform groups, and has became a transnational form of Hinduism among the overseas Gu-jarati in East Africa, Britain, Europe, and North America [Williams 2001: 1-5]. BAPS
was founded as a "new school" of Swaminarayan movement in the early twentieth century [Williams 2001: 1-5, 54].
20) One exception is the Khatris in Dhamadka village, who united to receive relocation aid . 21) Simpson says that the most important discussions about post-earthquake reconstruction were conducted in. English and most official reports were written in English, so it very
vis-ibly excluded most local people from the process of decision-making in the reconstruction [Simpson 2005: 229].
22) Development Commissioner for Handicrafts of Ministry of Textile has been providing grants for development of traditional handicraft since the 1970s. Development Commis-sioner declared that aid of INR 150,000 would be distributed for each workshop. 23) Kachchhmitra 29 June 2004.
24) She is a tying artisan for tie-dye textile. A skilled artisan can earn INR 1,000 per month. 25) The king was obliged to worship Ashapura every year. See Fuller [Fuller 1992] on the
relationship between king and goddess in Hindu kingdom. Descendant of the king at-tends rituals at the temple till today.
26) The people of Kachchh are proud that there were no communal massacres there during the partition in spite of the close proximity to the Pakistan border. Kachchh was one of the districts unaffected by violence when communal rioting spread over most of Gujarat , triggered by the Ghodra incident in 2002 [Valadarajan 2002] .
27) I do not intend to criticize people who used whatever aid was provided in order to lead a comfortable and dignified life. No one can blame them for wanting a better living envi-ronment than the one they had before the disaster.
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