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(1)Implications of Identify Politics and Basic Social Services of Estate Tamils in Upcountry Sri Lanka: From Labor to Citizen Kurihara Shunsuke. 1．Introduction 1） This paper intends to explore and illuminate the implications of transformation of identity among Estate Tamils. (Indian-origin Tamils), especially in the upcountry Sri Lanka, and the basic social services to them, tracing back from the British colonial period of the 19th century to date, along with changes in the plantation industry and governance as well as political dynamics of Sri Lanka (Ceylon). A group of Tamil ethnic in the plantation areas of Sri Lanka, called Estate Tamils, formally called Indian Tamils, is originally the Tamil decent, brought from Tamil Nadu of south India by British to fulfill the need for labor force for plantations of agricultural products such as coffee, later turned to tea, rubber and coconuts. They have been living in the same communities since establishment of the plantation estates over 150 years as labors for estate work such as tea pluckers, sundry workers and rubber tappers. Over generations, one of the challenges Estate Tamils have been facing even today is accessibility to their basic social services such as citizenship and basic documents including birth certificate and marriage certificate as well as national identity card. Quality and quantity of the services demanded by Estate Tamils have been varied from the British time to date, which reflects their social status as well as the perceptions towards human rights and living standard commonly shared by the colonial rulers in the 19th century, Sri Lankan government and the plantation management today. th As Estate Tamils were first brought for labor force in the 19 century, there was no sense of equity and equality. between the people in the Ceylon Island and the labor force of Tamils from India. As this gap has become dismissed or smaller, Estate Tamils have become more proactive and confident in their identity as a group of people who are eligible for the basic social services from the administrator of the island, which was the government of Ceylon and later Sri Lanka. The basic social services provided to the estate residents of Tamils have been varied by changes of ownership of plantation estates, from the beginning of the industry by British to the current plantation companies of Sri Lankan private sector through nationalization after independence of the country. It is critical to examine consistency of “demand and supply” of the services to those living in the plantation estate. . 1）Tamils of Indian-origin are still referred to as “Indian Tamils” in any official documents published by Sri Lankan government. This paper, however, refers to them as “Estate Tamils,” since Tamil people of Indian-origin prefer “Estate Tamils” these days as opposed to “Indian Tamils.”.

(2) 72. （382）. Yokohama Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 16 No. 3. community in each period of ownership. This exercise illustrates the implications and relationships between changes of Estate Tamils social status and the service providerʼs responses of basic social services for Estate Tamils. In addition, transformation of Estate Tamilsʼ identity is traced back from the beginning of their history in then Ceylon to the modern society of Sri Lanka, as to changing context of Estate Tamilsʼ status as a group of labor force under the colonial time to one of the ethnic groups in Sri Lanka, which illuminates links to reactions and responses from the Sri Lankan government. At the end of the paper, it will surface and illustrate implications and relationship between formation/ transformation of identity among Estate Tamils and responses of basic social services by relevant duty bearers under each period of ownership of the plantation management. 2．Origin of Estate Tamils in Sri Lanka 2. 1. Dawn of Plantation Industry It is inevitable to look into development of the plantation industry when tracing back the history of Estate Tamils in Sri Lanka. Sri Lankaʼs plantation industry was first established by British in the 1830ʼs, later taken over by the government of Ceylon upon independence in 1947. Under the British rule in the 19th century, the island of Ceylon was identified as one of the ideal places for massive agricultural products, when the island was fully colonized by conquering the Kandyan Kingdom in 1815. The first products for Sri Lankaʼs plantation were spices and coffee, introduced by British planters. The major product was coffee in the beginning of the plantation industry, and the unutilized land was cultivated and transformed into coffee plantations since the 1840ʼs in the highland areas of the island, called “upcountry.” The plantation industry was going to boom with coffee in the beginning, but the disease of “coffee rust” on coffee leaves became endemic all over the coffee plantations in the 1880ʼs. In 1886, the coffee disease totally devastated the coffee plantations and most of the planters gave up on growing coffee. This was when tea plantations became an alternative crop for coffee. Tea plantations in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) had become the leading crop for the islandʼs plantation industry since then, and the number of tea plantation estates had become larger as well under the British plantation management. 2. 2. Labors from Tamil Nadu to Ceylon in the 19th Century Sri Lankaʼs Estate Tamilsʼ history has been closely conjunct with development of the plantation industry of the island. Formulation or transformation of identity of this unique group of people as an ethnic group in the island has been influenced and affected by political dynamics as well over the plantation industry for the past 150 years. th When British companies identified the highland of Ceylon as the suitable land for coffee in the 19 century, while. the lowland for rubber and coconuts, it was realized that securing labor force for the industry was critically essential. As coffee plantations decreased its number, tea plantation estates became on top of the plantation industry and increased its number of estates. However, the British planters could not find adequate, proper labor force within the island. In the 1830ʼs, the most of Sinhalese had their own home garden or were committed to the minor level of agricultural activities on their own, regardless their caste, under the Kandyan Kingdom (Wickramasinghe and Cameron). The British planters, thus, arranged and brought the labor force from Tamil Nadu of south India, where was also under the British rule. A considerable number of labor force was constantly introduced into Ceylon since the 1860ʼs through Mannar and Jaffna, the northern districts of the island, to the coffee growing areas, later tea areas, of plantations (Table 1). The labors traveled on foot to the plantations as far as more than 150 miles. Their travel to Ceylon was never easy one and led some immigrants even to death on their way to their final destination of plantations. There was a.

(3) Implications of Identify Politics and Basic Social Services of Estate Tamils in Upcountry Sri Lanka（Kurihara Shunsuke）（383）. 73. Table 1 Approximate Number of Adult Plantation Labor Immigrants, 1880 1910 Year 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890. Immigrants 20,300 26,800 25,900 15,200 19,900 23,000 17,400 22,800 50,000 36,900 50,400. Year 1891 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 1900 1901. Immigrants 65,700 71,400 47,900 43,600 67,500 74,500 100,900 75,700 20,300 101,600 39,100. Year 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 . Immigrants 28,600 40,100 51,400 109,200 70,900 N/A 73,800 66,700 N/A . Wesumaperuma, 1986, Sources: ARs of AGA. Mannar District (annual series, 1880─1900), CAR. Monthly Statistics of Arrivals and Departures of Coolies by the Principal Collector of Costoms, Colombo, CGG. Returns of Immigrants in the Port of Colombo, showing their destination, trade and occupation, published bi-annually by Superintendent of Immigration, CGG.. record in 1840ʼs that the immigrantsʼ death rate was as high as at approximately 25%2）, even before reaching their final destinations. This implies that the immigrantsʼ travels to their new lands were never properly secured or assisted by the planters that planned to bring in the labor force from India into Ceylon. Although it is called “immigration,” it was as hard as just bringing or transporting some goods. The most of the labors were from Tamil Nadu, south part of India. The majority of the immigrants into the Sri Lankaʼs plantation estates was either lower peasant caste or economically depressed castein the area (Vanden Driessen 1997). This entailed that groups of the immigrants had no choice but went across the ocean to look for the new opportunities for making their living. In the 1880ʼs, the immigrants of Tamils from Tamil Nadu of India were less due to the coffee plantationsʼ diseases and its transition of coffee to tea plantations, but once operation of the tea plantations were put in place by the British planters as the crop would be potential, the number of tea plantation estates again became lager, and so did the required labor force for the estate work. 3．Estate Tamils under the British Colonial Time as Ceylonese 3. 1. Social Status of Estate Tamils From the beginning of the plantations to date, the social status of Estate Tamils has changed period to period. There was no category of “Estate Tamils” or “Tamils of Indian Origin” under the British rule in the 1880ʼs. From the first census in 1871 to the one in 1901, Tamils of both Sri Lankan and Indian origin were classified under the same blanket term “Ceylon Tamil3）.” In the 19th century, Estate Tamilsʼ social status was thus same as the other ethnic groups in the island as people of the Crown Land until Ceylon became independent from the British after World War II. Tamils of the labor force from India were assigned and allocated to the plantation estates of coffee, later tea, rubber. . 2）Vanden Driessen (1997) refers to the death rate from “Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies,” but there are several arguments over this figure of 25%. 3）Kanapathipillai, Valli. Citizenship and Statelessness in Sri Lanka: The Case of the Tamil Estate Workers, Anthem Press, 2009, pg. 19..

(4) 74. （384）. Yokohama Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 16 No. 3. and other crops in the island as resident labors. The system of plantation management was designed based upon the condition that all workers and their families live in the same compound of plantation for efficiency and profitability of the industry. All of the minimum basic services and facilities were made available within an estate compound for the workers such as set of housing called line rooms, water supply from neighboring natural wells, basic clinics and day care centers for the workersʼ children, called Crèche. th In those days of the 19 century, the highland areas of Ceylon, called upcountry, were not much populated except. the Kandy city area where the Kandyan Kingdom was situated until the British invasion in the early 1830ʼs. By the late 1850ʼs, the basic setting of plantation residential system and facilities were set up, and the immigrant labor force was continuously brought in to fulfill the labor needs. Since then, the Indian-origin Tamils have been residing under the more or less same living set-up until today. This means that there has been no major improvement of the facilities to the extent that would meet todayʼs living standard for the plantation estate residents under the plantation system in Sri Lanka. The British planters developed and transformed the extensive land into first coffee plantations, and later tea plantations. Tamil workers were not allowed to go out of the estate compound unless really necessary. The workers were first ordered to cultivate all lands in the areas to establish plantation estates since the early 1830ʼs. This continued until the early 1900ʼs, when coffee plantations were all transformed into tea plantation estates, while the other workers were assigned to work for estate labor work in their plantation estates. This is where the labor force of Tamil workers was assigned to reside and work, in the case of upcountry Sri Lanka. There was, thus, less connection with indigenous villages. The working and living environment was completely isolated from the rest of Ceylon, which has been in the similar form more or less even today of the 21st century. 3. 2. Basic Social Services for Estate Tamils in the 19th Century th Even in the beginning of the plantation industry in the 19 century, quality and quantity of basic services for Estate. Tamils were basically secured to the extent that they were able to make their living and that they were able to work efficiently for plantations. The workers were allocated into line rooms in each plantation estate, living and working in the same premises. Basic facilities were arranged for the residents. In practice, the resident workers never had chances to go out of their plantation premises. Besides, especially the upcountry estates, there was no natural villages in the areas in the 19th century. It is safe to say that most of the resident workers of Indian-origin Tamils and their families ended up with their whole life within their premises, which definitely contributed to efficiency and profitability of the plantation industry those days. As for welfare schemes for the labor force of the plantations during the British colonial time, the colonial government policy stated that the medical welfare of the labors were left up to their employers. In the most of the cases, the plantation management offered the services (Wesumperuma, 1986). In some estates, the plantation management introduced a medical person, either a doctor or dispenser to provide the basic medical services to the resident workers efficiently, which was expected to raise the profitability and productivity of the industry. On the other hand, the duty bearer issues of the responsibility for the basic social service to the resident workers were always questioned, even in the 1880ʼs, whether the plantation management was responsible, or the government. The basic medical service was one of the biggest controversial issues even those days, and the plantation management finally agreed to take the responsibility for the sectorʼs benefit. Another remarkable aspect that characterizes the resident Tamils in the plantation is holistic authority of the plantation management. Planters, who managed plantation estates, had a great deal of independent authority until the.

(5) Implications of Identify Politics and Basic Social Services of Estate Tamils in Upcountry Sri Lanka（Kurihara Shunsuke）（385）. 75. 1860s, because communications were poor, and until 1865 planters were Justice of the Peace and Unofficial Magistrates ─the only legal authority in the vicinity of the plantations (Peebles 2001). Although the plantation management is no longer “Justice of the Peace” in the plantation community today, the management still has a great deal of authority. On the other hand, the issues related to citizenship and other basic social services were not much considered those days of the 19th century until the independence of Ceylon. There are two major reasons. One is the Estate Tamilsʼ social status that there was no category specifically for them under the census, so there was no perception that Estate Tamils were another group of ethnic people. The other reason relates to the sense of equity and equality among people in the 19th century. It is obvious that British did not consider the Tamil labors in the sector as equal as the British planters. The minimum services to the labors were provided in the way that the labors were able to make a living and work, with no extra attention to the laborsʼ dignity, which was a common perception towards the labors in any colonies. Dignity as part of human rights for the labors was put limelight quite recently. 4．Sri Lanka s Independence and Estate Tamils: Citizenship Issues and Nationalization of Plantations 4. 1. From People of the Crown Land to Stateless Sri Lanka, formerly named as Ceylon, had been under the Westernersʼ rule until the World War II ended, by Portuguese from 1505 to 1658, Dutch until 1796 and finally British. During the Portuguese and Dutch periods, only some parts of the coastal areas of the island were colonized while the rest of vast areas remained under the Kandyan Kingdom. Power and influence from the “colonizers” was therefore limited. However, the British rule was not the same case. The whole island was colonized and there were various changes by the British, such as policy, infrastructure and industry. Citizenship was among others. The people of Ceylon became the people of Crown Land. From the British rule, Ceylon became independent in 1947. Sri Lankaʼs independence made a considerable amount of influence over the plantation industry as well as plantation estate communities. Until 1901, Estate Tamils were classified under the same category of Ceylon Tamils, with Tamils of Sri Lankan origin. While under the British rule, Sinhalese, Tamils of Sri Lanka origin and Tamils of India origin were all under the Crown Land of Ceylon. From 1911, Tamils were classified under the two categories of Ceylon Tamil and Indian Tamil. Population of Estate Tamils was still increasing during the 1940ʼs for plantation work from India. After Ceylonʼs independence, once Estate Tamils (Indian Tamils) became stateless. This citizenship issue had been the biggest concern among Estate Tamils for decades until 1980ʼs, after Indo-Lanka agreement was made in 1964 and the Sri Lankan government passed the Citizenship bill in 19864）. This was also when a considerable number of Estate Tamils returned back to India. In 1948, after the independence, the new government of the island passed the citizenship law, Ceylon Citizenship Act no. 18 of 1948. This act stated that acceptance of general citizenship in Ceylon, including the Indian Tamil community. In 1949, however, the government passed amendment of the citizenship related law, the Ceylon Amendment Act no. 48 of 1949. With this amendment, the Indian Tamils (Estate Tamils) failed to obtain citizenship, while there was no influence over Sri Lankan Tamils whose origin was northern and eastern part of the island. Interestingly, even under the stateless period, Estate Tamils had received certain basic services from the plantation management. This practice was made, simply because the management felt a need that the estate workersʼ living and working conditions should be secured for profit of the industry, not for the workersʼ rights for basic social services.. . 4）The agreement was made in 1964, but it took more than 20 years for Sri Lankan government to make effective due to internal political dynamics, mainly from the Sinhalese oriented parties..

(6) 76. （386）. Yokohama Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 16 No. 3. 4. 2. Emergence of Trade Unions for Plantation Workers To review Estate Tamilsʼ social status before and after independence of Ceylon (Sri Lanka), it is critical to look into the movement of trade unions for the plantation workers, some of which have later become political parties. From the 1940ʼs to the 1950ʼs, some significant movement towards political dynamics around Estate Tamils emerged in the island. A trade union was formed to represent the islandʼs plantation workers, namely Ceylon Indian Congress Labour Union in 1940, later renamed into Ceylon Workersʼ Congress (CWC). CWC was one of the largest trade unions, reflecting the plantation industryʼs size of worker population and industrial growth. This powerful, influencing trade union represented for the plantation workersʼ working conditions such as increment of wages. Led and dominated by S. Thondaman, who later contested and got elected the parliament member in 1947, the movement against the act that announced Estate Tamilsʼ social status as stateless. Though the Act of 1949 legislated stateless of Estate Tamils under the strict conditions, Thondaman had been continuously active in voicing up for the plantation community. Throughout its history, CWC has been committed to secure rights for the population of Estate Tamils and supported by the majority of Estate Tamils even today. There are currently two major political parties representing Estate Tamils, namely the Ceylon Workersʼ Congress (CWC) and Up-country Peopleʼs Front (UPF). Both of the parties are still gaining supports from a wider range of people in the upcountry areas of Sri Lanka. These trade unions were a window to the outside plantations, because the labor force did not have much freedom of movement, though all of basic social services and facilities were available or provided within a plantation estate. There was no way for the plantation community to get to know of the othersʼ living conditions or basic social services in the other parts of the island as well as the perception towards Estate Tamils by the rest of Sri Lankans. Under this kind of closed living environment, the trade unions representing for Estate Tamils were the sole channel for the most of the plantation residents to learn about outside the plantation estates, which is not so a healthy condition of living, but no choice those days. Through the 1950ʼs to 1970ʼs, the trade unions were able to gain supports from the population of Estate Tamils and became more powerful and influencial over the industry as well. 4. 3. Nationalization of Plantations After independence, there was another notable change in Sri Lankaʼs plantation history─all plantation estates were nationalized gradually from 1972 to 1975. For a quite long time even after independence of Ceylon, the plantations had been owned by the British companies. In 1972 and 1975, there were remarkable incidents that the government of Ceylon took the step to nationalize all plantation estates as part of socialist reform (Tee Loh et al., 2003). This legislation also included exchange rate controls, land reforms and expanded roles for state-owned corporations and marketing boards (Central Bank of Sri Lanka, 1998). Along with this change of nationalization of the plantation sector, the land reform took place by the government to acquire 400,000 hectors of land, mostly the plantations. Prior to the 1972ʼs nationalization initiative, Sri Lanka State Plantations Corporation (SLSPC) was established in 1958 to handle state-owned corporation, while Janatha Estates Development Board (JEDB) was founded in 1972 for taking over the plantation estates. All plantations were handed over to these two corporations. As a result of nationalization of the plantation sector, there was an ironical aspect in the sector - all labor force of resident Tamils was stateless under the nationalized sector by the Ceylonese government. This twisted situation had continued until 1986, when all Indian-origin Tamils got granted for the Sri Lankan citizenship. The corporations of plantation management of SLSPC and JEDB had provided a set of basic social services such as housing and water to the resident workers of Estate Tamils, even though they were not citizen of Sri Lanka (Ceylon)..

(7) Implications of Identify Politics and Basic Social Services of Estate Tamils in Upcountry Sri Lanka（Kurihara Shunsuke）（387）. 77. Table 2 Citizenship for Indian-origin Tamils (Estate Tamils), 1988 Total number of persons to be granted citizenship Numbers granted citizenship Number remaining to be granted citizenship Number Repatriated to India. India 506,000 422,504 83,496 337,413. Sri Lanka 469,000 276,427 192,573 ─. Source: Manikam, P. P, Tea Plantation in Crisis, 1995. So, their guideline for the services was based upon the worker aspects, not the civil minimum aspects. 4. 4. From Stateless to Sri Lankan Citizen In 1954, there was an agreement made between Ceylon and India on the Indian-origin Estate Tamilsʼ stateless issue. Out of estimated 950,000 Estate Tamils, around 400,000 of them were expected to be registered as citizens of Ceylon (Sri Lanka), while 300,000 were to be compulsorily repatriated to India5）(Kanapathipillai 2009). However, this agreement failed to be implemented. Some major political parties in Sri Lanka disagreed to this proposition, due to their fear of the increasing number of Tamil population as well as possible increasing influence of India over Sri Lanka. The biggest reason, however, was said that strong disagreement between Sri Lanka and India over implementation of the provisions in the agreement (Kanapathipillai 2009). In 1964, Ceylon and India again came to agreement after negotiation. Out of 975,000 stateless Estate Tamils would grant citizenship for 300,000, including natural increase), while India agreed to accept 525,000 of them. Ceylon Workersʼ Congress (CWC) also said “step toward settling the statelessness of the Indian Tamil people” (Sahadevan 1995). However, this agreement was not implemented either. In 1988, the Citizenship bill was finally passed, and the Indian-origin Tamils (Estate Tamils) were offered a choice, either returning back to India or becoming the Sri Lankan citizen. With this effect, 337,413 of Estate Tamils returned to India, though most of them were born and raised within the plantation estate communities in Sri Lanka and a quite considerable number of them had never been to India (Table 2). Once Estate Tamils had become “Sri Lankans,” there was a more active movement around political dynamics coming up to the Estate Tamil communities by those Estate Tamils that had decided to be Sri Lankan citizen. Estate Tamils were first given their right to vote in 1931 under the British rule. Once the citizenship was cancelled in 1949, their political involvement was surely becoming invisible and inactive. However, CWC has been representing the majority of Estate Tamils in the upcountry Sri Lanka, demanding for protection of Estate Tamilsʼ basic rights, even until today. Until 1988, there was a considerable number of Estate Tamils in upcountry Sri Lanka, who failed to be granted for Sri Lankan citizenship. The political parties, such as CWC and UPF, were making their massive efforts on this issue, and it eventually resulted in getting solid constituency from the Estate Tamil population as political parties. 5．Impacts of the Privatization of Plantations on Estate Tamils 5. 1. Privatization, Emerging Population of Non-workers and Growing Demand to the Government as Sri Lankan In the early 1990ʼs, Sri Lankaʼs plantations were again privatized. Management of the plantation estates was. . 5）Kanapathipillai (2009) describes the figures, but treatment of the rest of 200,000 Estate Tamils was not mentioned. This could imply that the estimated figure of 950,000 was not precise and both of Sri Lanka and India shoed their maximum acceptable numbers..

(8) 78. （388）. Yokohama Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 16 No. 3. handed over to 22 private companies6）in Sri Lanka, except some 40 estates mainly in the Kandy area due to vulnerable profitability of the estates. Regional Plantation Companies (RPCs) were formed to manage over 450 plantation estates of tea, rubber, coconuts and some other crops. Privatization took place over two years from 1992─1993, with assistance from foreign donors such as Asian Development Bank (ADB) and Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC; currently merged into JICA). Under the loan package of joint financing by ADB and JBIC, there were components to replace old machineries in tea factories, replanting tea trees and some other refurbishing the facilities even from the colonial time. It is noteworthy that the joint financing loan included a component for the estate workers whose living and working environment should have been improved up to the level of the modern society of Sri Lanka in the 20th century. Over the privatization, there had been an argument about the social welfare for the plantation estate workers. The prospective private companies that eventually took over the plantation estates were initially unwilling to take the responsibility for anything related to the workersʼ living conditions such as housing, lifelines and welfare. Under the nationalized corporation of state-owned plantations, all of the social welfare, housing and any other basic social services and facilities for the workers were provided and maintained by the state plantation corporations, even though most of the workers of Estate Tamils were stateless. In the same respect, the government of Sri Lanka was assuming that the private sector would take over the “whole package” of the plantation sector since the resident labor system was the most crucial element for the sectorʼs profitability and efficiency. This idea was totally out of expectation by the Sri Lankan private companies in the 1990ʼs. So that this argument finally led the government to a decision to make that Plantation Housing and Social Welfare Trust (PHSWT, later renamed to Plantation Human Development Trust: PHDT) was established. The PHDT was assumed to take responsibilities for the plantation workersʼ housing, social welfare services and facilities, funded by the government with contribution from the RPCsʼ profits. Up to date, PHDT has been active in providing services for the plantation estate workers under those privatized plantation estates of tea, rubber and other crops all over the island. At the same time, in 1990ʼs, a group of Estate Tamils considered as “Non-worker Residents” in the plantation community made their visibility significant. They are residents of plantation estates, but not working for the estates. Some are working outside. Some others even work in Colombo as workers at shops or construction sites. This is simply because labor wages for these off-estate jobs pay much higher than the estate work. One of the critical points is that most of those working off-estate still have their registration under the plantation companies as resident workers or their family members. As long as a family member works for plantations, his or her family is able to manage to live in the plantation housing, which is not favorable for the plantation management, but this has been in practice. As the plantations were privatized, more interactions and links with outside communities became constant and proactive, since the privatization brought in some new opportunities and contacts into the plantation estate community. Education is among others. Some estate children have started going to higher education out of their estates, though its number is still quite low. Those educated from outside bring in new perspectives and values of other Sri Lankan societies into the plantation community. In addition, there is another group of Estate Tamils in the estate community called “reluctant workers” or residents of the plantation estates who are not willingly working for plantations. They do not simply like to work as workers, because there is no dignity for the work.. . 6）Another regional plantation company was formed in 1995, and there are currently 23 companies..

(9) Implications of Identify Politics and Basic Social Services of Estate Tamils in Upcountry Sri Lanka（Kurihara Shunsuke）（389）. 79. By the 1990ʼs, it was clear even to the resident estate workers about their reputation and perception by the others in Sri Lanka. It is obvious to all in the island that the ancestors of Estate Tamils were brought from India as labors who were the lower caste. Under the British rule and state-owned corporations, the resident workers were not able to go out of their estates freely, but after privatization, Estate Tamils became able to access to the off-estate communities and societies. This change is bringing perceptions towards Estate Tamils by the others back to the estate community. Through mass-media like TV and radio these days, the plantation estate community also is getting to realize how the resident estate workers have been treated by the plantation management over 150 years. Overflowing load of information into the plantations is eventually making Estate Tamils more unrest but uniform as a group of ethnic group. Some residents continue to live in line rooms, but never work for plantations or work only for a few days a month to keep their “name” under worker registration for securing their housing and other facilities and services provided by the plantation management. This type of group of residents would have never been allowed to stay under the British period and the following the state owned period. Or, this type of group of people would have never existed since the plantation was completely isolated socially and politically. Today, the plantation community is a part of Sri Lanka society, even by law. People of Estate Tamils realize their choice, as Sri Lankan citizen, for occupation and rights for basic social services such as basic documents, welfare schemes and the system to implement the services. Basic social services should be secured by providing Tamil speaking governmental officers to the estate community areas. In reality, however, this is not the case. 5. 2. Increasing Gaps in Service Provision to Estate Tamils After the privatization, two types of gaps appeared in the society of Estate Tamils, in terms of providing basic social services in the island by the administrators of Sri Lankan government or the plantation management companies; 1) the gap between the tea estate residents and the others in the island, and 2) the gap among the estate community members. Firstly, the gap between the plantation estate residents, mostly Estate Tamils, and the rest of population in Sri Lanka is quite large these days. Looking into the governmental services, it is found that the number of Tamil speaking public servants is quite less for the Tamil population in such areas. In Nuwara Eliya district, Tamil population is the largest among the other ethnic groups (Table 3). The number of Tamil speaking public servants, however, is not adequate. Hatton Police station does not have the efficient number of Tamil speakers, although the town is in the center of tea plantations, where the majority of residents is Tamils. In Kandy district, there is no Tamil speaking staff at Kandy Registrarʼs Office (Table 4), though the Tamil speaking population is considerably large. This shortage causes various problems to Estate Tamils. The governmental officers find it difficult to process documents written in Tamil, though Tamil is Sri Lankaʼs official language. In Sri Lanka, there is a public servant called “Grama Niladari,” serving at the most grass-root level, serving directly community, to issue governmental basic documents such as birth certificate and national identity card. There is an imbalanced allocation of Grama Niladari in the upcountry districts, where the majority is the plantation community, and the rest of districts in the island7）. Average population per Grama Niladari has a large difference between Nuwara Eliya and Matara in this respect (Table 5). This difference came from traditional practice and assumption that the population in the plantation community is supposed to be looked after by the plantation management even after the increasing number of non-worker residents emerged. In Nuwara Eliya district, Grama Niladari is not so recognized among the estate community even nowadays due to less visibility of these governmental officers.. . 7）Districts under Northern Province are not included due to the civil war..

(10) 80. Yokohama Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 16 No. 3. （390）. Table 3 Population of Multi-lingual Areas in Upcountry Sri Lanka District. Sinhala. Badulla Kandy Nuwara Eliya. 564,752 947,900 282,621. Sri Lankan Tamil 29,542 52,052 46,066. Indian Tamil (Estate Tamil) 143,535 103,622 355,830. Muslim (Sri Lankan Moor) 38,798 168,049 16,555. Burgher 583 2,128 632. Malay 1,813 2,668 1,059. Other 960 2,609 847. Total 779,983 1,279,028 703,610. Source: Department of Census and Statistics, Sri Lanka 2001 Table 4 Tamil Speakers in Public Institutions in Multi-lingual Areas Public Institution Badulla Municipal Council Colombo Municipal Council Hatton Police Station (Nuwara Eliya District) Kandy Registrarʼ s Office Nuwara Eliya Base Hospital Ratnapura High Courts. Staff Cadre 450 12,000 250 60 450 60. Number of Tamil Speaking Staff 1 100 10─20 0 85 0. Source: Shanthakumar, B. Language Rights in Sri Lanka, 2008 Table 5 Population and the Number of Grama Niladari of Nuwara Eliya District and Matara District District. Population. Nuwara-Eliya Matara. 703,610 761,370. Number of Grama Niladari 491 650. Average Population per Grama Niladari 1,433 1,171. Source: Compiled by the author based on Department of Census and Statistics, Sri Lanka 2001. Under the plantation management, basic documents such as birth certificates can be issued through proxy of the estate manager. However, as it is unclear if the estate manager can certify the ones for non-worker residents, some managers are reluctant to sign the certificates.. Secondly, there is an obvious gap, when closely looking into the difference in quality and quantity of basic social services between resident workers and non-worker residents. The plantation management tends to look after only workers in their estates. It is surely natural that private sector only takes care of their employees fairly at workplace. The plantation setting, however, is unique in the way that labor force and their families live in the same premises, and the management covers even the workersʼ social welfare ─ the whole life control. In this respect, the non-worker residents in the plantation setting are overlooked. There is no one defined or assigned to bear duty of the basic social services for non-worker residents in the estate communities. Historically, the plantation estates held only the population of estate workers and their families under the British rule until independence of Ceylon (renamed as Sri Lanka in 1972). After independence, through privatization of the sector in the 1990ʼs, the tea estate community in the upcountry Sri Lanka has become communities with diverse in occupation. As the plantation community has been traditionally under administration of the plantation management, not under the government, social welfare scheme is also under the different system from the one provided by the government in practice. This is now making the plantation population divided. For instance, there is a saving society, called Estate Workers Housing Corporative Society (EWHCS), in the plantation community, introduced by PHDT. This is one of the biggest societies for the plantation community. Its eligibility for the society, however, is limited to workers. This might even widen the gap in income between worker residents and non-worker residents who would miss the opportunity..

(11) Implications of Identify Politics and Basic Social Services of Estate Tamils in Upcountry Sri Lanka（Kurihara Shunsuke）（391）. 81. In some respects, the plantation management provides some basic social services and facilities even to the nonworkers, since some services cannot be provided separately only to worker residents, such as housing and water. In the case of medical services, clinics in the plantation estates usually look after non-worker residents as well, which becomes an extra burden for the plantation management. This is simply because available medical institutes are not adequate in the areas and the plantation management considers humanitarian or ethical aspects. 6．Conclusion When Tamils were brought into Ceylon under the British rule, it was only intended to have them as a part of the cost-effective, efficient plantation industryʼs profitable system. During the British colonial period, Tamils from India, working for plantations, were not separated from “Ceylon Tamils” in the census. While they were not separated, the basic social services such as basic documents and housing as well as welfare were completely set up in the different form specifically for the Tamils working for plantations. The major changes in context of the basic social services for the Estate Tamils (Indian-origin Tamils) for the past 150 years of Sri Lankaʼs plantation history can be summarized along with three time phases as follows: 1) British colonial period: Ceylon Tamil under British Plantations ◆ No citizenship issue Ironically, citizenship was never an issue under the British rule. This is simply because all population on the island of Ceylon was considered as the people of the Crown Land. There was, thus, no sense of “Estate Tamils as Ceylonese.” ◆ Different sense of living and working standard in the 1880ʼs Level of the basic social services and facilities for “workers” at the colonial time was not visible to the majority of people in Ceylon, since they were isolated from the other parts of the island. Living standard in the 1880ʼs was different from that of today in many ways, including the rights issues. 2) Early independence: From Ceylon Tamil to Stateless under Nationalized Plantations ◆ Citizenship issue risen upon independence of Ceylon Though India and Sri Lanka (Ceylon) tried to make an effort on the issue, it took over 30 years. Estate Tamils had worked for the plantations as stateless for decades. Basic social services secured as “workers” not as citizens ◆. The basic social services and facilities were secured as plantation workers. Those days, the plantation communities were isolated socially, compared to today. Most of the residents in the plantation estates were workers. So, there was no significant issue related to the basic social services and facilities to secure the residentsʼ day to day life. 3) Recent privatization: Sri Lankan Citizen under Privatized Plantations ◆ Citizenship granted Citizenship is now legally granted for Estate Tamils. Estate Tamilsʼ sense of identity is also getting firmed as Sri Lankan citizen. There is, thus, a increasing number of demands for securing basic rights including basic social services and facilities. ◆ Increasing gaps in service provision Gaps in service provision are becoming larger as the level of basic social services has more quality and quantity outside of plantations in Sri Lanka. As Sri Lankans, Estate Tamils are demanding for the same level of basic social.

(12) 82. （392）. Yokohama Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 16 No. 3. services. In addition, there is an internal issue that there is a gap in service provision within an estate between worker residents and non-worker residents, which is not for sure of whom to be addressed, either the government or the plantation management. More open to outside, more obvious, explicit discriminations to Estate Tamils ◆. As Sri Lankans, Estate Tamils are getting more secure and confident of themselves, interacting with outside communities. Some of the Estate Tamils are working outside. On the other hand, as plantation community becomes open and connected to outside, incoming flow of information into the plantation community makes Estate Tamils realize perceptions towards them by the others in Sri Lanka. Through exploring history of Estate Tamils in the plantations of Sri Lanka, it is observed that Estate Tamilsʼ social condition and status as well as their identify formulation have been directed, determined and even affected by the plantation industryʼs profitability system and eventually political dynamics in Sri Lanka and India. As far as their identity formulation is concerned, it is fair to say that Estate Tamils are now socially and culturally recognized by the other groups of Sri Lankans as a group of ethnic people. Estate Tamils know the gap in basic social services between the estate community and the rest of the island. They, however, continue to ask the plantation management for the services since the management is the sole administrator in the plantation community in practice. The plantation management is also getting to realize about unclear policy of the responsible service providers for the plantation population who are now varied, not longer only the plantation workers but non-worker residents. Sri Lankan government is getting active in providing their services to the plantation community, but there is lack of Tamil speakers. There is a considerable amount of issues to be clarified. In the modern society of Sri Lanka nowadays, average of peopleʼs living standard is obviously and tremendously different and improved from those days of the 19th century. Distribution of wealth is well balanced among people in the island. Estate Tamils are, however, yet to enjoy the dividend of it, including social basic services and facilities, and even opportunities for choice in their whole life such as education and occupation. Estate Tamils living in the plantations also enjoy modern facilities these days such as TVs and even mobile phones in some areas, but most of them live in line rooms that were built in the 19th century under the British planters. Estate Tamils are now economically capable of purchasing TVs and even mobile phones, but there is less choice for higher education or even basic education for their children. st Today, in the 21 century, it is observed to be twisted or inconsistent that Estate Tamils are able to enjoy basic. daily appliances or electric items just like any other Sri Lankan citizens, but they are still struggling to obtain basic documents. While the capitalism is already active in the plantation community, governance is not yet in place properly. As Sri Lankan citizen, it is certain that Estate Tamil will continue to be more active in demanding for their rights for basic social services. References Central Bank of Sri Lanka, 2009, Annual Report Department of Census and Statistics of Sri Lanka, 2008, Poverty in Sri Lanka Department of Census and Statistics of Sri Lanka, 2009, Population by Ethnic Group and District Census 1981, 2001 Department of Census and Statistics of Sri Lanka, 2009, Statistical Pocket Book Department of Labor of Sri Lanka, 2008, Number of Strikes Institute of Social Development, 2009, Brochure of Plantation Workers Museum Bruton, Henry J., 1992, Sri Lanka and Malaysia, World Bank Caspersz, Paul, S. J. 2005, A New Culture for a New Society, Satyodaya Comsumer Seva Caspersz, Paul, 1995, the Privatization of the Plantations, Satyodaya Center.

(13) Implications of Identify Politics and Basic Social Services of Estate Tamils in Upcountry Sri Lanka（Kurihara Shunsuke）（393）. 83. Central Bank of Sri Lanka, 1998, Economic Progress of Independent Sri Lanka Hollup, Oddvar. 1994, Bonded Labour, Caste and Cultural Identity among Tamil Plantation Workers in Sri Lanka, Charles Subasinghe & Sons International Labour Organization. 1966, Plantation Workers Kanapathipillai, Valli. 2009, Citizenship and Statelessness in Sri Lanka: The Case of the Tamil Estate Workers, Anthem Press Kearney, Robert N., 1971, Trade Unions And Politics In Ceylon, University Of California Press Loh, Ai Tee and Jackson, John T., 2003, Sri Lanka’s Plantation Sector: A Before-And-After Privatization Comparison, Journal of International Development Manikam, P. P. 1995, Tea Plantations in Crisis: An Overview, Social Scientistsʼ Association Peebles, Patrick. 2001, The Plantation Tamils of Ceylon, Leicester University Press Program Support Group, 2000, Economic and Social Impact of Privatization of Plantations Sahadevan P. 1995, India and Overseas Indians: The Case of Sri Lanka, Kalinga Publications Shanthakumar, B. 2008, Language Rights in Sri Lanka Enforcing Tamil as an Official Language, Law and Society Trust Vanden Driesen, I. H. 1997, The Long Walk, Indian Plantation Labour in Sri Lanka in the Nineteenth Century, Prestige Wenzlhuemer, Roland. 2008, From Coffee to Tea Cultivation in Ceylon, 1880─1990: An Economic and Social History, Brill Academic Publishers Wesumperuma, Dharmapriya. 1986, Indian Immigrant Plantation Workers in Sri Lanka, University of Peradeniya Wickramasinghe, D. W. Ananda, and Cameron, D. C. British Capital, Ceylonese Land, Indian Labour: The Imperialism And Colonialism Of Evolution Of Tea Plantations in Sri Lanka, University of Sri Jayawardanapura. . ［くりはらしゅんすけ横浜国立大学大学院国際社会科学研究科博士課程後期］.

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