The Revival of "Gentou" (magic lantern, filmstrips, slides) in Showa Period Japan: Focusing on Its Developments in the Media of Post-war Social Movements

(1)

JAPAN SOCIETY of IMAGE ARTS and SCIENCES

JAPANSOCIETY ofImaGE ARTS and SCIENCES

27

The

Revival

of "Gentou"

(magic

lantern,

filmstrips,

slides)i

in

Showa

Period

Japan:

Focusing

on

Its

Developments

in

the

Media

of

Post-war

Social

Movements

WASHITANI

Hana

1.Introduction

LaterneMagica

(Latin)

or Magic Lantern

(English),

- the still

image

projectiondevicesthatuse a lightsource and

lenses

toenlarge and _project

images _printedon transparent _platesonto a screen - was originally

inventedinthe1600sinEurope and was widely utilized

fOr

education and

for

entertainment. These deviceswere importedtoJapan

in

the 18thcentury

and were called ""tsushi-e"

or "nishiki-kage-e"

(in

the Kansaiarea). They

gained

popularity

among urban residents

in

_yose

(vaudeville

or variety

theatre)or misemono

(spectacle)

shows.

Inthe early Meiji_period

(1868-1912),

theWestern"magic

lantern"

was

re-imported toJapanand called "gentou". The _gentouwas considered to be

a medium thatwould contribute to visual education inschool, society, and

the home, and was clearly

distinct

from

the entertaining "utsushi-e"

or "nishiki-kage-e". In Origins

qj{'MeijiArtijincts,

Ishii

Kendou acknowledges

that the still image _projectiondevicessuch as _gentou

had

been

_popular

among

Japanese

_peoplebeforetheMeiji_period,buthe adds that"the _gentou

fbr

the

_purpose

of _practicaleducation should

be

counted as one of the new

productsimported

from

the West" and observes that"gentou

was a newly translated name ordered by theMinistryof Education."]

Gentou was firstintroducedto Japan

by

the

Ministry

of

Education,

and

then itwas widely _producedand distributedby the_privatesector around the

1890s.Its_popularityreached a

_peak

in

the

_period

between

the

Sino-Japanese

war

(1894)

and the

Russo-Japanese

war

(1904),

when _gentou

screening events called "gentou-kai"

(gentou

show) were

held

allover the

WASHITANI Hana isa ResearcfiFellowof the Waseda UniversityTsubouch Memorial Theatre Museum. She researches about JapaneseWar-time _popularculture within the context of tCthe

GreaterEastAsianCulturalCo-prosperitySphere".She istheauthor of "T7ie

QpiumWar and the

Cinema Wars:a HollywoodintheGreaterEastAsian Co-prosperitySphere,"_(Inter-Asia

CulturalStudies.vol.4, no.1. April2003).

(2)

28 WASHITANI Hana

country forthe _purposes of education, recreation, and war reporting.

However,

_gentou started to declineas motion _picture

(katsudou

shashin)

rapidly _grew in_popularityaround thetime of theRusso-Japanesewar. After

theTaisho_period

_(1912-1926),

_gentou_graduallylostits_popularappeal and

came to

be

used only within

limited

contexts such as academic _presentation

or children's toys.

Iwamoto Kenji'sinfbrmative

Centuries

ofMagic

Lanternsin.Jdpan and

other _previousstudies havealready _provideddetaileddescriptionsof _gentou.

historyinthe Melji_period.Iwamoto also brieflydiscusses_gentottafter the

prevalenceof cinema, "Western magic lantern

(Seiyou

_gentou)survived

in

the schools or

in

social education. Itwas also utilized as a medium of

national _propaganda medja duringboth WWI and WWII. AfterWWII, it

was stillused inaudio-visual education and seyeral kindsof _promotion."'

Nevertheless,this "post-cinematic"

or "post-Meiji"

history of _gentouhas

attracted much

less

academic attentions until today. With respect to the

historyof _gentou

(which

came to

be

called "suraido"

(slide)

around the

1960s)after

the

startof the

Showa

_period

(1926-1989),

there

is

no coherent

study, and storage and _preservationof thesuryiving materials hardlybegun.

From 2011,we havebeen engaged ina cooperative research

project

on

gentou during the

Showa

period under the aegis of the

Collaborative

Research

Center

fbr

Theatreand Film Artsof Waseda University.In the

course of conducting thisresearch

_preject,

we discoveredseveral hundreds

of _gentou

films

and scriptsmany of which

had

been

used

in

_post-war

social movements, at

the

Kobe PlanetFilm Archive.Based on our study about the

gentou collection of the Kobe PlanetFilm Archive,Iwill tryto shed light

on the unknown

history

of _gentou

in

the

Showa

_period,

focusing

on

its

use

as a medium of education or

_propaganda

in_post-warsocial movements.

2.

_Gentou

reyival inthe

Showa

_period

As

several authors

have

already

_pointed

out,

both

theuse of "utsushi-e"

(aka

"ni.shiki-kage-e"

in Kansai)

in

_performing arts and entertainment

spectacles from the lateTokugawa _period

(1600-1868)

and the use of

"gentou"

as an educational rnedium

from

the Meiji

_period

started to

decline

around the

beginning

of the

Taisho

_period.

Gentou

continued to

be

used

after theTaisho_periodforlimited_purposessuch as academic _{presentation,}

reiigious education intemples, shrines, and churches, or inchildren's toys.

However, itlost

its

broad

_popularity.

Nevertheless,around mid-1930s, several educators and

bureaucrats

carne to the conclusion that_gentoushould be reintroduced intothe schools

and social education. For example, Aochi Chuzou, one of the

_pioneer

(3)

The Revival of "Gentou"

(magiclantern,filmsuips, slides) inShowa _periedJapan 29

revival of _gentou education in hislecturesand writings around 1930.

Meanwhile, Nakata Shunzou, an official with a

detailed

knowledge

of

audio-visual media, who was incharge of the

_popular

education sector in

the

Ministry

of

Education,

also

_promoted

therevival of

_gentou,

after

being

impressed

by

visual education using a slide _projector

in

contemporary

Europe.4

Because of theabove circumstances,

_gentou

experienced a

fu11

revival

in

the early 1940s forthe _purpose of the national mobilization

_propaganda

during

the totalwar against the

Allied

Forces.

In

1941,

the Ministryof

Education

forrnally

declaredits_policytorecommend _gentouas an effective

device

for

visual education. The Ministryexplained thatitsmain objectives

were "to serve thenational _policyof improvingdefenseand

development

of

industriesby spreading scientific knowledge through rural villages with

poortransportations and limitedcultural institutions,and tocontribute to the

development of education as well"S inthe document The History_qf'

Our

Gentou Education Institute

_("Honshou

_gentou kyouiku shisetsu no

enkaku"). Inorder to achieve theseobjectives, they said they "will work on

research investigationand

_guidance

in order to _promote _production,

improvement,

distribution,

and educational utilization of higher_quality

gentou"6.

Then theMinistryof Educationset out to standardize the differenttypes

of _gentou _projectors

(gentou-ki)

and the media used in _projection.As

opposed to the standard _gentou_projectorsince Meiji_period,which used

glassslides _placedone after the other onto the _projector,the Ministry bf Educationemployed a new type of _gentou_projectorusing a rollof

35mm

film

_(film

strip), the same

_gauge

used

in

a standard movie

film.

The

35mmX

24mm

film

strip

(called

"Leica model" or "double

frame

type")

standardized atthattime,continued to be used widely as the standard film

format

for

_gentou _projectingafter the war. From 1942,the Ministryof

Educationurged themanufactures to _producetwelve thousand of _prejectors

a _yearinorder todistributetolocal_govemments throughout the Empire of

Japan, and it_promoted _production of educational _gentou

films

about

increasingfood _production,fishery,engineering, resources, and national

defense.7

The military authorities also made use of _gentouactively. Itwas said

that several _gentou filmswere

_produced

in

order to teach soldiers and

workers working

in

arsenals. Aochi Chuzou, who was engaged in

productionof these military _gentou

films

through the war, recollected after

the war that"the

utilization of _gentou,thathad beenstagnant

in

school and

society regardless of our wishes over the _previousdecade,made rapid

(4)

30 WASHrrANI IIuna

Itwas after Japan'sunconditional surrender and the beginningof the

Occupation

_(1945-1952)

of Japan

by

the

Allies

that _gentou made its

unprecedented advancement. In1948,CIE

(Civil

Informationand Education

Section),

incharge of

GHQ

(General

Headquarters)

information,

_publicity

and education sectors, began a nationwide campaign to distributeNATOKO

(National

Company)

_projectors

made inthe USA and educational movie

films,as well as between

600

and 1,OOOBesler

_projectors

to

_project

both slides and filmstrips.According to a

feature

article about _gentozainthe

Movie Classroom

_("Eiga

kyoshitsu"),a bulletinfrom ZaidanHoq7inNihon

Eiga K),ouikuKYokai

(Japan

Visual

Education Association:henceforth

`Eikyo'),

the `gentou

boom'

had

begun

before

CIE's

distribution

of Besler

projectors,becausetherewere already 20,OOO_gentou

_projectors

in

Japan,

and

33 domestic

companies specializing in_gentouslides and filmstripswere

selling

6,OOO

_gentou

films

_permonth.D

Aochi

Chuzou

describedthe circumstances surrounding _gentouduring

the

Occupation

as "too _greata development to call itsimply a `revival"'ie.

Therewere several reasons forthisrapid revival and developmentofgentou

from the wanime through theOccupation.By hand-coloring

films

or slides

directly,_gentoucould

_project

colored

images

onto a

big

screen, a featthat

was

difficult

to

do

incontemporary cinema. A second bigadvantage was

thatitcost much lessto _produce and screen a _gentouthan a movie

film.

Because of these technical and economical advantages, _gentou

has

often

been

regarded as "a cheap substitute forcinema"ii. For example, some

gentou

producers

constantly

_produced

_gentou works that could be called

"cinema-gentou",

re-editing the

frames

from filmclips or thestill_pictures

from

the_popularcinema works.i2

Gentou has often

been

compared to another visual medium that was

revived under the Occupation,kamishibai

(picture

story show), as well as

cinema. Both kamishibaiand _gentoushow the audience stillimagesone by

one with oral commentary or storytelling

by

the _presenter.Incontemporary

discourseabout audio-visual media, itwas commonly held that many

gentouworks thatappeared on market were "kamishibai-like fairlytaleor cartoofl things"

for

childreni3.

Contemporary

_gentou works were also

criticized

because

they were of _poorer_qualitythan

kamishibai

works. For

example,

Ochiai

Kyouichiwho was

in

charge of

_gentou

reviewer inMovie

Classroom commented, "These two _years,

I

have

evaluated educational

movies, _gentou, and kamishibai as a member of the Educational Film

Committee inthe Ministryof Education.Exceptformovies, our committee

hasagreed thatmost of

hamishibai

works are

far

superior to

gentou.

At

least

kamishibai

has

established itsown methods of representation, while we cannot recognize that

in

most of _gentouworks."'"

(5)

JAPANSOCIETY ofImaGEARTS and SCIENCES

ThcRevivalof"Gentou"

(magiclantern,filmstrips,slides) inShowa _periodJapan 31

Therefbre,many of the_producers,the distributers,and the _presentersof

gentourealized thatitwas importantto_properly_graspand utilizetheunique characteristics of _gentou,which were

different

from

cinema or kamishibai.

One

gentouproducersaid that:

Gentou isneither a substitution for cinema, nor an

arrangement of kamishibai.

It

has

its

own unique

characteristics. And our mission as

_producers

depends

on two

points,namely, how

bring

out theseunique characteristics and

how

to make them effective. We feelashamed when we hear

recent criticisms that _gentou is less interestingthan

kamishibai,even though itshould really be more interesting

fromevery _pointof view.

Gentou hasa longhistory,but nothing could benewer than

therevival of _gentouas an expressive medium.

So we are keenly aware of the needs to learnthe artistic

techniques of cinema and

kamishibai

furthermore,

not to be

complacent

due

to the recent economic beom brought by

external forces.

And then when _we _master these_artistic techniques,_absorb

and refine them to bringout the unique characteristics of

gentou,a new _gentouart fbrmwill beborn.tS

3.Independent _gentou_productionfrom thewartime through the

post-war _period

Itwas sometimes _pointedout that the uniqueness of _gentoulayinthe

potentialitoffered amateurs to

_produce

them

independently.

When the

movements for_gentourevival started around themid-1930s, itwas said that

some _pioneeringeducators tried to make original _gentouslides or

films

by

themselves.'6 However,

_because

of the strict media control and supply

shortages of the wartime,

independent

_gentou_productionmovements did

not spread widely.

AfterJapan'sdefeat,people likeAochi or

Sato

Toshioi',who had

already been engaged in the movement to revive _gentou foreducational

purposebeforethe war, started to

be

active

in

educational campaigns to

promote and support independent_productionof _gentou.

Since

around 1948, a largenumber of articles on independent _production of _gentou have

appeared

in

the magazine

Movie

Classroom,

from

which we can infermany

school teachers

(and

sometimes students as well) have triedto make their

own _gentoufilmstripsor slides to

be

used as teaching materials

for

their

(6)

32 WASHITANI Hana

were

held

all over Japan.

These

activities _quickly culminated in such

achievements as the _gentou

filmstrip

The

_Science

of

_Mountain

(Yama-no

Ktigaku)

won

first

_prize

in

thecompetition of the

Ministry

of

Education

for

educational

films,

kamiskibai,and _genton

in

l949, defeatingworks

by

professionals.Thiseducational _gentouwas eriginally conceived by a high

schoQl science teacher and independentlymade by locaieducators. And

then,

Aochi

Chuzou

and others established the Nippon Amateur Cine Slide

Association(NACSA) , the organization for amateur film and gentou

creators

in

1951 and started to hold annual competitions of independent

filmsand _gentoufilmstripsfrom 1953.

Sincetheearly _phase of the

Occupation,

_gentouwere utilized not only

within schools,

but

also

for

a wide range of the social education, ificluding

laber

education.

in

1947,

theitewly established

Ministry

of

Labor

held

"An

Exhibitionon Labor Education"which includeda corner

dedicated

to "the

gentou

filmstrips

for

laboreducation" in which 18 titlesof educational

filmstripson the new Constitutionof Japan,democraticenlightenment, and

industrialeducation were

displayed.

In

addition, the

Ministry

of Labor

publisheda

booklet

titled

How

to Make

Gentou

images

C`Gentou-ga

no

tsukwi-kata,"

1951)

inorder to "answer _technical

questions

from educators

of

labor

unions or

labor

officials who are trying to utilize

independently

produced

gentou

to

_promete

labor

educations"iS.

Besides

these

government-led campaigns to _promote the use of _gentou

in

labor

education, newly

legalized

labor

union activists started to

_produce

their own _gentou and

screen them

during

labor

disputes.

For

example, the "gentou

cartoon"

(gentou

manga) titledWhite

Socks

Family:

Elpisode

ofRaid

("Shiro-tabi

ikka:

Naguri-komi Ro maki,"> was _produced

by

a

labor

union

during

the

ToshibaDisputeof l949.

The independentproductionand screening of _gentou by Iaborunions

were temporarily

blocked

in

the

later

stage of the

Occupation

becauseof the

Red Purge and the "Reverse

Course"

(Gyaku

Koosu).However, when the

San

Francisco

Peace

Treatycame

into

effect on

28 April

1952

and the

Occupationby GHQ/SCAP was ended, social movements raise again and

independent _gentou

_productien

started to fiourish.Sakazaki Tsunerou

reported that the first_gentou

filmstrip

related tothe

_post

eccupation

social

activity was Forward tethePeople'sSquare!:A Document on Blood

Mcry

Day

("Ike!

jinmin-hiroba

e:

Chi-no

mei-dei kiroku,")about the

incident

called "Blood

May

Day"

on

1

May 1952,thefirstMay Day heldafter the end of the

Occupation.

On this"Blood May Day", May Day _protestors

collided violently with the

police

squad around theImperialPalaceSquare.

Inthe end, two _protesteTswere sho{ to

death,

aRd many members of both

(7)

JAPANSOCIETY ofImaGE ARTS andSCIENCES

TheRevivalof L`Gentou"(magicIantem,filmstrips,slides) inShowa periodJapan

33 Square!

was

_produced

two weeks after Blood May Day, using

photographs

taken byMay Day

_protesters

atthescene, and adding textsbasedon "poems

and reportages by the cultural circles and the _groupsof _poetsaround the

COUntry."i9

Since

around the end of the

Occupation,

laborunions, cultural circles,

youth organizations, women's organizations, and other civil society

organizations came to recognize that_gentou was a useful mean to share

knowledge about social _problems,to document and _publishtheir activities,

and to appeal forwider support. Nihon Gentou Bunka-sha

(The

Japan

Gentou

Culture

_Corporation)

which

_produced

and

distributed

FoiM?ard

to the

PeQple's

Square!,'

A

Document

on Blood May Day also _publisheda

booklettitledThe Gentou Activitiesby Lahor Unions

_("Roudou

kumiaino

gentou

katsudou,")

around

1960,

in

which

it

summarized

independent

gentouproductionand screening activities within 1950s social movements as below.

Itisover ten _years since laborunions started to be

involvedwith _gentou.Inthe midst of the devastationcaused

by defeatin the war, union activists introduced_gentou to

company housingsand tolocalcommunities, inorder to

bring

"a

_bright

and

healthy

culture to children!". Through _gentou

screenings, they strengthened theirbonds with familiesof

union members or neighborhood

housewives.

Gentou

movements extended more and more after the

Japan Coal Miners Union

_(Tan-rou)

and the

Japanese

National Railway

_(Kokutetsu)

Union began to seriously

organize worker's familiesand to establish the labor-farmer

coalition. Inthis_period,_gentoubasedon Japanesefolkloreor

children's stories from China,the SovietUnion, and other

countries, or the _gento" version of independent

_produced

filmswere often screened.

"63 Days of Struggle"independently_producedby Tan-rou

marked a watershed intheexpansion of union's application of

gentou and a shift

from

cultural activities to

labor

union

propaganda.

More than one thousand _printswere made of this_gentou

filmstripon the largelabordisputeledby Tan-rouin 1952.

They

were screened over the country, and _played an

importantrole in_publicizingthe

dispute.

Afterthissuccessfu1 experience, many of unions came to

(8)

JAPANSOCIETY ofImaGE ARTS andSCIENCES

34 WASHITANIHana

publicityand

development

fortheirstruggles.

In the realm of 16mm film,the working class has now

started to produce and screen films from their own

standpoints,

instead

ofjust screening existing films.However,

a similar movement started earlier in the realm of _gentou,

which were much easier tomake than movie. Nowadays, this

has

become

themain activity involving_gentou.?O

The gentoufilmstripreferred toabove as "63 Days of Struggle"isHowJ

VVefight:T7ie

63

Day's

Struggle

_("Warera

kakutatakau: Gekitou63 nichi"),

produced by Tan-rouand distributed

by

Nihon

Gentou

Bunka-sha in1953.

Itdocuments the _generalstrike of coal miners ledby Tan-rou in 1952,

focusing

on

Jouban

coal mine

in

Fukushima

Prefectureand Kaho coal mine

in

Fukuoka Prefecture.In the script thataccompanies the _gentou filmstrip,

the distributerNihon Gentou Bunka-sha

included

a section titled"Anyone

can make

_gentou

filmstrips"inwhich itsays:

If

you turn_yourstruggle, document,or story intoa _gentou

and screen it

for

_your workplace or family,itwill please

everyone and contribute a

lot

to

_publicity.

Anyone can make a _gentoufilmstripsince itdoesnot cost

as much as making a movie.

We

guarantee

that

you

can create wonderfu1 _gentouif_you

cooperate with circles

devoted

to _photograph, _painting,

literature,cinema, or

drama

in

_your workplace or community

under thedirectionof theunion.

The

Kureha

Spinning

Corp

Union

in

Oomachi,

Nagano

Pref,or the Aviation AdministrationUnion have already

produced stunning color

filmstrips

and used them to support

umon acUvltles.

Let'sproduceyourgentou

filmstrip

and thinkof itas small

gaugemovie

(kogata-eiga).

We'11do allwe can tohelp_you.2i

Although partsof itshistoryremain to

be

explored, this

Nihon

Gentou

Bunka-sha

certainly

_played

an importantrole as thesupport organization for

independent

_gentouproducingand screening in1950s social movements.

When the Japanese Trade

Union

Confederation

(Nihon

Roudou Kumiai

Souhyougikai

1 Souhyou)

helda seminar on cultural activities

for

unions, a

anonymous member of

Nihon

Gentou

Bunka-shagave a lectureon _gentou.

The fo11owing_year,when Souhyou _publishedthe lecturesinbook fbrm 71he

(9)

TheRevivat of'`Gentett"(magic]antern,fi1rnstrips,slides)inShewa _periodJapan

35

Bunka-shaisintroducedas "a _gentou-slideservice center thatwas

founded

after the end of the war. Then

it

started to support independent_gentou

productionby unions and cultural circles, and ithas already _produced and

distributed

140

titles.

In

addition,

it

_produces _gentou

for

children and

faMilies"22

The role of

Nihon

Gentou

Bunka-sha

in

the _planningand _production

processof

individual

work

is

attested to by several sources. According toa

report

_published

inT7zeLectureson Modern Culture,the _gentoufilmstrip

Portraits

of

Young People

_("Wakai

_gunzou," 1955) _produced

_by

Tokyo Branch of JapanTelecommunication Worker's Union

(Zen-den-tsuu)

was

plannedand _producedby several cultural circles includinga literaturecircle,

a cinema circle,and a camera circle

in

theworkplace. Nihon Gentou

Bunka-sha

is

said to

have

offered advice about on the budgetat an early stage of

production, and tohave helpedin_{post-production}tasks such as _processing

the

film.23

And

Kako Satoshi,who was engaged in independent _gentou

production

as a

_part

of activities

in

Tokyo UniversitySettlementKawasaki

Children

Club,wrote inhisbiography7-7ieVVayto PictureBooks

(Ehon-e-no Michi),"a small company called Nihon Gentou Bunka inYoyogi turned

our original _pictureintoa _gentoufilmstrip,using _part-timeworkers tocolor

films"2`Therefbre,we can consider that many works of _gentou used

in

social movements of the 1950swere actually _produced

by

amateur _groups,

and thatNihon

Gentou

Bunka-shaoffered limitedservices such as advice on

budget

or other matters in early stage of

_planning,

assistance with

machinery and materials, supports for _{post-production} works, and

consignment sales and rental of

finished

_products.

4. Sharing

Experience

Many participantsin the 1950s social or cultural movements triedto

create _gentouworks independently,

including

labor

unions, the anti-base

movement, the anti-nuclear movement, utagoe

(singing

songs) movement,

or the lifedocument movement.25

One

of themain _purposesof these_gentou

productionwas

propaganda

"to _publicize_significance _of _our _struggle inside and outside of the organization, and to make many

_people

know about it"26,

and another was the economic one of utilizing _gentou screenings

during

fund-raising

campaign or toraise money from consignment sales and rental

through Nihon Gentou Bunka-sha.In addition, the independent

_production

and screening _gentou also served to create "the

space inwhich different

social movements could share their experience." In the round-table

discussiontitled"On

the Gentou Activities"_publishedin T7teLectureson

Modern Culturementioned above, a member of Nihon Gentou Bunka-sha stressed the importanceof cooperation among "screening", "viewing", and

(10)

JAPANSOCIETY ofIMILGE ARTS and SCIENCES

36 WASI]rTANI Ha]]u

"production"

of _gentou to connect _peoplewithin and without the ditlferent

social movements. He or she said, "if

we hope inthe futureto significantly

increaseour _gentou activity, we need to create these spaces to share

experience even within our

local

communities'M

For people concerned with education who had been engaged

in

promotinggentottas visual teaching material since the 1930s,"the

value of

gentou

lies

in

its

potential

to show

individual

figures

exactly,

_quietly,

and calmly"

(Aochi

Chuzou)28,inother words, itwas recognized that_gentot{

had

unique educational value

for

showing `'exact

figure"

of things objectively,

because, unlike the cinema, itdid not fosterthe illusionof dynamic

movement. Incontrast, inthe 1950ssocial movements, some _gentouworks

tried to create the dynamic illusionof "moyement" by succession of still

images and narration, and to involveaudicnces insuch "movemcnt" and

givethem the sense of "sharing

experiences" with the _peoplethey saw on the screen.

Many

of _gentou works concerned with labordisputesafter the 1950s

shared a common style of representation in which dozens of _piecesof

photorecordingsof events were arranged inchronological and causal order.

During the screening, one or more narrators read the script aloud,

somctimes commenting each image,sometimes speaking lineslikea radio

actor, singing workers songs

(rottdott-ka).

In this manner, they used a

narrative _processtotelltheaudience thecause of the

labor

dispute.theorder

of events, and the end result. Inthe opening sequence of many of these

works, the facesand bodiesof workers or their familieswere sometimes

shown

in

close up without offering any cxplanation about _person or

situation, and

_poetry

monologue-like narration overlapped with _those

images.For example, inHow We

fight:

63 Days

of

Sn'uggle

mentioned

above, followingthe title_picture,we firstsee a bustshot of a woman

nursing a baby with an absentminded expression. As thisimage isscreened,

the script instructsthe narrator to read the following lines"as

though

reading a _poem". `LOh mom, why are _you staring at my facelikethat?1

Wrinkled l'ace,drearyeyes

1

You always seem to want to say something, but

[Figure1]Ho"'We.tighr:63Days

_oj'Sn'uggte

say nothing

1

What a _quietwoman

you havebecome, mom!"

[Figure

1]

Followingthe

first

pictureof the

mother and the

baby.

the audience

is

shown

11 frames

of _photographs

showing slagheaps and other scenery

from the coal mine town, the naked

bodiesof the coal miners working

in

(11)

JAPANSOCIETY ofIMILGEARTS and SCIENCES

TheRevivalot'"Gc.itt(nt''(magic lanteni.fl[mstrips.s]ides} inShowa periodJapan

37

accompanies these

images

with subjective and _poeticnarration which

appeals tothe_painof oppressed bodieslike`LThe crushed bonesof my

dead

dad

₁

Isstillinthat slagheap.

1

The torn fleshof my

dead

brother

1

Isstillin

that slagheap.", "We are forced to work without time to _piss.

1

Even

lunchtimecomes at last,

1

Itissuch a botherto remove the fishbones."The

13thframeshows a one-legged coal miner walking with a _pairsof crutches shot from behind,and thenarration reads, "Mom, _pleasewait for

1

Revenge

to _guysrobbed us sun,/And deprivedof _yoursmile./The time forrevenge

will come."

[figure

2]

In the 14th frame that shows

workers who are about to_go on strike,

finallythescript offers an objective and concrete explanation of situation: "On

October 17, l952, 270 thousands

workers organized under the Japan

Coal

Miner's

Union

went on strikefora

wage

increase",

with instructionsto read that

passage

"in a normal tone of

+11

volce.

[Figure21

Susan Buck-Morss classifies emotional reactions caused by images into "sympathy"

and "empathy'", and

describes

the

difference

between them as

follows.

When images are net confined by cultural context,

includingthe _{propagandistic}context that_governments want

to convey, viewers react to the _pure_physicalityof what they

see. They respond not with sympathy to the contextualized

meaning of the

image,

but with empathy ro thc vulnerablc

human body, all the more visible because of the _paucityof

interpretive_glosses.Sympathy requires a shared cultural

horizon,but empathy isa mimetic, _physicalresponsc to a

sensory _{perception.]t'}

With

theopening

12 frames

and accompanying narration,

How

We,fight:

63 Da-ys_{qf'Strt{g,gle}triesto arouse "empathy",

a mimetic and _physical

bodilyresponse

fi'om

seeing images of suffering human body, among the

audience. Before knowing who these _people are, where they live,what

situation they face,the members of the audience start to _gaze upon their

oppressed

bodies

shown on the screen

before

them, and they

hear

a

live

narration describingtheir_painina natural voice, then they are

involved

in

(12)

38

WASHITANIHana

This sense of "sharing experience" based on _physicalresonance or

empathy would be reinforced by the "utagoe"

(singing

voice). The Utagoe

UndDL

_(The

Singing

Voice Campaign) started as a _partof the cultural

campaigns

led

by

the

Japan

Communist

Partyin 1948,and then became one

of the most successfu1 leftcultural movements inthe 1950s.At its_peak,

tens of thousands of _peopleattended the annual event "Utagoe

in

Japan"

(Nihon

no Utagoe),which started in1952,and theofficialsong

book

Ybuth

Song

Book

_("Seinen

kasht7")became a bestseller

in

1950s.3e

Several

_gentou

works were directlyrelated to the Utagoe campaign, such as Songs

of

Homeland, Songs

of

Jopan in

1954

_{C`Furusato-no}

uta, nihon-no uta

1954-nen", _produced and distributedby Nihon Gentou Bunka-sha) which

documents

the convention of Utagoe inJapan in 1954.And many other

gentouworks

have

scripts thatinstructnarrators or chorus members tosing

along workers songs or anti-war songs _popularizedby the Utagoecampaign

during

thescreenings. The audience could also

join

inby singing.

As an example of these "singing _gentou",lwould mention

Give

Me

Back

_toT

_Eyes:

Footsteps

_of1954

_("Me-wo

kaese:

1954-nenno

Ayumi",

co-produced

by

Kansai Gentou Centerand Osaka Literature

School,

1955).

This_gento"work looksback upon the Kansai social movements

in

1954,

includingtheOumi silk factorystrike, the

Osaka

Securities

Exchange

strike, the S6gen-shastrike, the anti-nuclear movement around Kansai,and May

Day

protest.Inthediflierentscenes of the _gentou,background chorus and

humming

are

inserted

in

thescript according tothe scene,

including

several

workers songs, revolutionary songs, and anti-war songs _popular inthe

contemporary utagoe campaign such as

Song

ofRed

Flag

("Akahata

no

uta"), Song

of

AJationalIndependence Action

Committee

("Minzoku

dokuritsukoudou-taino uta"), No More AtomicBomhs

("Genbaku

Yurusu-maji"). In addition, Internationalissung

in

chorus

fbr

the finalMay Day

scene. Itmay be supposed thattheaudience

in

screening

_place

was expected

toactively _participateinthese"singing voice", especially

in

the finalchorus oflnternational.

Okubo

Ryo pointsout that _gentouscreenings of the Sino-JapaneseWar

inthe Meiji

_period

were accompanied

by

active _physical_{participation}such

as shouts of

banzai,

applause and singing

by

the

audience. In addition that,

audible stimulation as narration by

benshi,

music, chorus constituted a sense

of festival-likeunity, drawing collective emotional exaltation from the audience.3i

We

can findsimilar situations inthe screenings of "singing

gentou"more than

70

_yearsafter the

Meiji

_gentou screenings. Thisleadsus

to the_paradoxthat _gentouimage,which lacksmovements and sounds, was

able tostimulate the audience to offer theirsinging voice to imbue the still

(13)

The Revivalof'`Gentou'" (magicIantern,tllmstrips,slides) inShowa _periodJapan

39

I

have

discussed

about _gentouworks with _photographicimages above,

buthereafterIwould

like

torefer other works with _picturedrawn or _painted

by

hand,

fbcusing

on My

Mom

("Boku-no

kaa-chan",

produced

by Tokyo

UniversitySettlementKawasaki Children'sClub, distributedby Nihon Gentou Bunka-sha, 1953),as a unique _practicethat makes the most of the

characteristics of _gentou medium.

My Mom

is

one of the

five

_gentouworks _producedby Tokyo University

Settlement

Kawasaki

Children's

Club,

where Kako Satoshi,latera _picture

book artist, _playedthe central role

in

creative activitiesmaking kamishihai

and _gentouwith children as mentioned above. "Settlement"

(Setsurumento)

isdefinedas a social welfare activity in which students or intellectuals establish a

base

within a _poor

district

of a largecity to "settle in"

and

providesocial service such as legaladvice, medical and healthsupport, and

children's care to the _people living inthe community. The Japanese

settlement movement started with the relief activities by teachers and

students of Tokyo ImperialUniversity

in

the

Great

Kanto

Earthquake

in

1923.From the 1920stotheearly 1930s,settlement movements centered on

the Tokyo

Imperial

University

Settlement

_(Toukyou

Teidai

Setururnento)

established

in

1924

had

been

actively

deployed

in

other

Japanese

cities,

but

they were destroyedduringthecrackdown on leftists

in

the 1930s.

In

1950,

Tokyo

University

Settlement

_(Toudai

Seturumento)restarted fromtherelief

activities

for

the

Kitty

Typhoon.32

Kako

Satoshi

joined

the

Kawasaki

Settlementestablished inFuruichiba,Kawasaki

City,

Kanagawa Prefecture

in 1951,and started making original _gentouworks with children and other

adult supporters of Children'sClubaround 1952.33

Kako recollects about the_production_processof MiyMom as

fo11ows.

IVdyMom

(1953)

was a documentarywork

based

on thelife

of a child

in

Settlement,

which assumes the

form

of the

child's composition. Afteritwas _publishedina magazine,

Nihon Gentou Bunka-sha made itinto_gentou.One to two

hundred

printswere _produced.

Some

of themoney from sales and rental were used to

fund

for

our

Children's

Club.

In

those

days,

therewas an educational _publication

known

as The School

of

Echoes

from

the Mountains

("Yamabiko

gakkou,"

1951)about children's composition.

I

believe

that

thismovement aimed to stimulate children to reflect their

own lives

by

writing compositions and

it

became

a very

popularmovement. Some _peopletried toaccomplish the same

thingwith kamishibai.Taking advantage of thismovement, I

(14)

40 WASHITANI Hana

children intothestory of MiyMom, Imade no attempt toadapt

them fordramaticeffect, butsimply added children's _pictures

to the composition based on their lifeexperiences when I

made MY Mom.34

Thus, we can consider that My Mom was created through the

collaborative _processinvolvingchildren and adults, rather than a work

created by an adult for children.35 Not only did the

_producer

use

"compositions

_based

on lifeexperience" of children forthe script, buthe

also employed children's

_painting

with characteristics such as figureswith

extremely big

heads,

eyes as

drawn

as blackedout circles without white

parts,

limbs

and

bodies

drawn

simply with straight. In all these respects,

they are very

different

from

Kako

Satoshi's

signature

drawing

style

in

kamishibai

and _picture

books.

However,

figures

in

some scenes thatrequire

more complicated

depiction

of actions and _psychologysuch as the _quarrel

of "Mr. and Mrs.Yamada" are drawn ina differentstyle thatisreminiscent

of Kako'slaterworks.

Even

though

it

based

on "a

composition

based

on

fact",

a story of

M);

Mom cannot to

be

said as "unique",

it

seems rather "stereotypical" at

first

sight. "My mom", a war widow, works as temporary worker

in

the

factory

from early morning to lateat night. Her two sons, "I"

and "Yasuji,

my

younger brother"spend most of the day alone by themselves. "Mom"

who

comes

home

exhausted every night, smiles only when she sees her

kids

eat

latedinnersaying "Yummy, _yummy". Inthe lastscene, "mom" and thetwo

kids are smiling side by side against the background of factoriesof

Kawasaki industrialzone, and narration tellsus that"I" hopes thatinthe

future"to

grow up soon totake care of my mom.! Iwant make mom smile

without saying `yummy"'.

As

shown

in

the opening scene of

How

Wle

fight:

63 Days

of

Struggle

mentioned above, the

image

of "mother", who was separated from

her

husband by the war, and

lost

hersmile

in

the hardshipafter thedefeatwas

among the stereotypical iconsinthe 1950s social movement. M)iMom is

consists of stereotypical

images

of the

hardships

of works,

life

of _poverty,

and an unsmiling mother's face,but itdeviatesfrom stereotypes by not

fittingthese imageswithin a narratiye frameinwhich current difficultiesare

overcome

by

support and instructionfrom outside and theleadto a bright

future.

Although

it

was created

by

_group work within a

Settlement,

My

Mom

never represents the

Settlement

through a leaderfigurewho saves

oppressed _peopleand leadsthem to

bright

future,

as would

be

typical

in

stories of social improvement.InMy Mom,

it

is

"waiting" _practiced

by

the

(15)

JAPANSOCIETY ofIMILGEARTS andSCIENCES

TheRev]vnlnf""Gentou" (Tnag]cluntem.1'ilmstrips,s[tdes) in Showa_pcnod Jupan 41

bright

future,

rather than outside adult saviors such as teachers inschool or

tutorsinthe Settlemcnt,

Afterseeing their"mom" off early inthe morning, the two children

_go

to school "slowly, loiteraround" the town which iscloaked in

darkness.

And they are the firsttoarrive at school. beforeanyone else.

LFigure

3]

Yet, when we arrive at school, we are always earliest. So

we and YasLlji_exercise _on thebar_until _everybody _comes.

Yasuji,who isa second _grader,actually should not do this

exercise becausehe might _gethurt,buthedoesitanyway.

Because we exercise every morning, we are _good at

everything, somersaults, handstands,etc,

Aftcr showing this long time spent

`'waiting"

in

the empty schoot,

before

the arrival of "everyone". we move

next to another scene also involvinga

long"waiting."'

After the war ended, we

received a message thatmy dad

was killedinthe war, and mom

cried as she was holding the

baby Yasuji. Because she cried

for

a

long

time,

it

gradually got dark, and I

started crying, too. Ihad the

hiccupsas lcried.

tFigure

4]

Afterrecalling the day "dad` _left

for the frontand hardships "mom"

suflered after thewar, thescene returns

to the

_present

"waiting"'

again. Afrer

school, the two children rcturn home,

pick up the

key

from

the L'Yamada

familynext

door".

and wait fortheir "mom"

to return. They spend their

time "playing

menko

(a

card _game) or

rock, _paper,scissors", and `Lwhen

we

gethungry, we eat kelpor small fish

used insoup stock, and _gulpdown hot

[Figure31My iVom

[Figure41M.vMom

(16)

42 WASHITANIHuna

water... Sometimes,we make littlerice

balls

to eat."

[Figure

5]

The representation of "waiting"

inMY Mom enables us torecognize one

of the essential elernents of _gentou.

The

filmstrip

images

loadedon the

gentou projectorare firstscreened to the audience as still images,but as

they slide horizontally,one image changes intoanother. This screening

practicethat

is

properto _gentou

is

analogous to the

different

scenes of "waiting"

of

iLdy

Mom.

"Waiting"

early

in

the morning

is

transformed

into

"waiting"

inthe _pastnight, and then

back

intothe _present"waiting" again.

Through thismodulation fromone type of waiting toanother, thedark _past of war finally_changes intothe

bright

futurewith _a _smiling mother.

Although one cannot describethe "waiting"

of thechildren

in

to

Mom as cheerfu1 and happy,itisnot represented to be only _painfu1and empty eitherL These _periodsof "waiting"

filled

with

lively

small activities

like

exercise on the horizontalbar,making small rice balls,and saying

"Yummy!"

to make "mom" smile. This sense of "lively waiting",

dynamism within stillnessinwhich one waits fbran absent

_person

toarrive

or a new event to

happen

epitomizes the

fascination

of the

image

_properto

gentoumedium.

An audience that stares at the screen and waits

for

one still

image

to

slide

into

the next still

image

also share the experience of "lively waiting"

with children depictedon the screen. Inthisway, the_gentoucreates a space

that enables an "sharing experience" based on _physicallyresonance and

empathy.

5.Conclusion

Ihave examined the historyof _gentoufrom the wartime _periodto the

1950s,

focusing

on several _practiceswithin educational and social

mov'ements of the 1950s.

As

I

mentioned above, even

in

the stage of

its

rapid

development

after

the Occupation,_gentou had been sometimes regarded as lackingunique

characteristic compared with cinema or kamishibai.One of thedominant

opinions on _gentouinthose dayswas the "gentou

as vessel" theory.

I'm afraid that _gentou is

just

a device to enlarge

photographsor _paintingsand _projectthem onto a screen, and

that

it

cannot advance tothe stage of creating original world

which cinema has managed to achieve.

Gentou

is

a

kind

of

"vessel",

and

its

educational value

lies

in

the

photographs

or

paintingsthat make up its"contents" after all.36

Even

if

gentou were merely a "vessel", it

(17)

The Revivalof"Gentou'" (magic_Jantern,_filmstrips,

slides} inShowa _periodJapan 43 and capacious vessel that could encompass a wide variety of contents starting with _photographs and _paintingsas mentioned above, but also

including

_pell-mell,cinema,

kamishibai,

cartoon, shadow _play,_puppet_play,

drama,_poem, and composition. Becauseof thisvessel-like _property,_gentou

lacks

thehistoryof independent_genreslikecinema,

_photograph,

or fineart,

and always crosses the

boundary

of

_genres.

Therefbre,

_gentou

has

been

an elusive medium until today.

People who sought to _graspthe _particularcharacteristic of _gentou

discovered that itoffered _great_potentialfornon-professional users to

engage inindependent_productionand screening. As Ihave shown above,

independent_gentou_productionand screening activities insocial movements

of the 1950shelpedtocreate an altemative _publicspace inwhich individual

movements could "share

experience". For that

_purpose,

images,narratjons,

screening _practices_properto_gentouwere exploited invarious ways.

Whether we regard _gentou as "vessel"

for

other media, or as an

independentmedium thathas its_particularcharacteristic and domain, we

cannot ignorethatithas own historyand itsunique _practicesthatcannot to

be dismissedas "pre-history" or "substitute" of cinema and other media. An

importantfuturetask will be to discoverand scrutinize unknown materials

and testimony, and to carry on a more concrete and comprehensive

clarification on thediversityand scope of _gentouintheShowa _period.

The author would liketo thank to the Kobe Planet Film Archive, the

InternationalInstitute

for

Children's

Literature,

Osaka,

Kako

Satoshi,

the

research team meinhers

of

the CollaboJ'ativeResearch Centerfor T;Pieatre

and Film Arts

of

Wasedn Universit),2013 research _project"Revival and

re-development

_of

_gentou

_(slides)

inShowa Period Japan"

_for

their kind

support on research, and to anonymous reviewers

from

ICONICS

for

their

thoughijCLtlcomments. And my

hearijitl

_appreciation_goesto RobertTierney

forproqfreading.

7-;Piisarticle was supported by the MitsuhishiFoundution's

research _grantsinthe humanities.

Notes

1.InJapanese,stillimage_projectingdevicesand slides or filmstrips_projected

on screen throughthem havebeencalled byseveral names such as "gentou",

"gentou-gd', "suraido"(slide), or "suraido-eiga"(slide film).Inthisarticle, I

will refer tothe _projectingdeviceas "gentou _projector",_tothefilmstripfor

projectingas "gentou _filmstrip",

and tothemedium including_projector,film

or slide,narration scripts as "gentou".

2. IshiiKendou, Meij'i_J'ibutsukigen

_[The

Originsof Meiji Artifacts],

(Tokyo:

Kitsunandou,1908),185.

(18)

44

WASHITANI Hana

[Centuries

of Magic LanternsinJapan:A History_of VisualCulture_on the

Eve of Cinema],

(Tokyo:

Shinwasha,2002),223.

4. For a summary of the _gentou revival movement _since _the late1930s,_see

"Jijo"

[Foreword]

of Aochi Chuzou, Gentou

kyo"iku

_no _shishin

[Guide

to

Gentou Education],

(Zaidan

hoLijinNihonEigaKyouiku Kyoukai, 1949).

5. Cited from Gonda Yasunosuke, "Goraku _kyouiku-no Kenkyu"[A Study

of

Educational Entertainment], Gonda Yasttnos"ke chosakushu dai-3-kan

[Gonda

YasunosukeWorks vol.3

]

(Tokyo:

Bunwa shobou, 1975),317.

6. Gonda,ibid,317. 7. Gonda,ibid,351.

8. Aochi,ibid,no _pagenumber.

9. Aochi Chuzou,SekinoYoshio,Atsumi Kenzou,HorinoTokio,Soejima

Oaji,"Zadankai: Atarasiikyougugentou"

[Roundtable

Discussion:A New

EducationalTool,Gentou],EigaKiyoushitsu2.10

(Dec

1948):16.

10.Aochi,ibid.

11. AochiChuzou criticized the tendency to regard _gentou as a substitute for

cinema, saying, "I doubtthatmost of our filmeducation circles think thatwe

are forcedtouse _gentou becauseof the lackof movie films,or thatwe _use

gentou because we have no other choice. Under the recent economic

conditions, itisthe reasonable course thatthe utilization of _gento"hasbeen

promotedby such _pressureof the shortage of material, butIthink itwould

beregrettable if_gentou'sreyival or newborn islimitedwithin this_purpose

fromfirsttolast."AochiChuzou,"Gentou ni taisurukangaekata"[AWay of

Thinkingabout Gentou],Eiga K),ouiku1,no.3

(May

1947):2.

12. For example, during the roundtable discussion in the

journal

Shikaku

KiyouikuShiryou

[Visual

EducationalResources],Sakugawa Keiichi,a staff

member of a _gentou _productioncompany says, "We

are striving hardto

improvethe slides incirculation on the market. However,our _gentoudoesn't

have a longhistoryas cinema. Compared to cinema thathas already

established itsown style and technology to some extent, our study about

original style and nature of _gentou isstilldeveloping.Thisisthe current

state of affairs. Sometimes_gentou _producerstryto make _gentou similar to

cinema, to imitatecinema, or inextreme cases, they make slides from the

frames of filmclip. Although such _productsaren't necessarily bad

dependingon the situation, Ithink _gentoushould beable toshow itsspecial

featureinother ways." "Zadankai: `Gentou'

wo megutte"

[Round

Table

Discussionon Gentou],Shikaku1fyouikuShiryou10

(May

1953):6.

13.Seefo11owingcriticism. "Many _peopleregard the _picturesinkamishibaiand

gentouas similar, and never consider the differencebetweenthem. Ithink

thisisa major factorhinderingthe developmentof _gentou _picture.Among

gentoufilmsand slides of the fairytale_genrewhich are abundant today, we

can findterriblekamishibai-like_pictures,_garishcolors, simple copies of

existing _picturebooks.Itisdeplorablethat the suppliers of these _products

never _givea second thought to them becausethe educators show them

children with no clear conscience." Kawakami Haruo,"Shikaku kyouguto

shiteno _gentou,_gentouno tokushitsu ni tsuiteno ichikousatsu"

[Utilizing

Gentou as VisualEducationalTool:A Thought on Characteristicsof

Gentou],

Eiga

Kyoushitsu

2,no.10

(Dec

1948):7.

14. 0chiaiKyouichi,"Gentou

geppyou"

[Monthly

Gentou Review],Eiga

(19)

The Revivalof "Gento""

(magiclantern,filmstrips,slides) inShowa periodJapan 45

15.Kumai Takeo, "Gentou-ga

no dokuji-seini tsuite:Seisaku-shano tachiba

kara"

[On

the Originalityof `Gentou Pictures':From thePointof View of a

Producer],EigaK),oushitsu3,no.7

(Jul

1949):33.

16.Aochi,ibid,3

17.SatoToshio,who had beenactively engaged inthe _gentou redevelopment

since the mid-1930s wrote and lecturedabout independentscreening and

productionof _gentouas "an

authority of independent_gentou _production"

duringthe Occupation.See,SatoToshio,"Gentou-ga

no tsukurikata"

[How

to Make GentouPicture]inShichoukakuklyouik"shinsho 2 _gentou

[New

Book of VisualEducation2: Gentou],ed. Hatano Kanji(ed),

(Tokyo:

Kanekoshobou,1951),85-193.

18."Hashigaki"

[Forewords]

inRoudou _panjLtrettono.14: _gentou-gano tsukuri

kata

[Pamphlet

fbrWorkers No.14 How to Make GentouPicture],

(Labor

Education Districtof Labor Bureau of Ministryof Labor,1951),no _page

number,

19. SakazakiTsunerou,"Fuji

yo ikare!:Nihonno _gentoukatsudou no tenbou"

[Be

angry Mt. Fuji!:The _prospects of the _gentou activities in Japan],

SovietoEiga

[Soviet

Cinema]3,no.12

(Dec

1952):36.

20. NihonGentouBunkasha,KansaiGentouCenter,Roudou kumiaino _gento"

katsudou

[The

Gentou ActivitiesofLabor Unions],n.d.

21. From thenarration script of How We Fight:63Days

ofStruggle,

22. Genclaibunka kouza

_[The

Lectureson Modern Culture],ed. Nihonroudou

kumiai souhyougikai kyouiku bunkabu

[The

Departmentof Education and

CultureinGeneralCouncilof TradeUnionsof Japan],

(Tokyo:

Sundaisha,

1956),330.

23. Zen-den-tsuuTokyo Denshin Shibu

_[All

Japan Telecommunications

Worker'sUnion Tokyo TelegraphicBranch],"Wdkai Gunzou wo tsukutte"

[Making

Portraits

of

YoungPeople],Gendaibunkoko"za,156-163.

24. Kako Satoshi,Ehoneno michi: Asobino sekai karakagakuno ehone

[The

Way to PictureBooks: From Children'sPlay to SciencePictureBooks

],

(Tokyo:

Fukuinkanshoten,1999),33.

25. About "documents" _in _1950s

social movements, see Toba Koji, 1950

nendai: Kiroku no _J'idai

[1950s:

Age of Documents

]

(Tekyo:

Kawadeshoboushinsha,20IO).

26. Gendoibunkakouza,167. 27. ibid,167.

28. SekinoYoshio,AochiChuzou,OouchiSigeo,"Gentou-ga

no honshitsuwo

saguru"

[ExPloring

Essenceof GentouPicture],ShikakuKiyouikuShirzyou10

(May

1953):4.

29. Susan Buck-Morss, Dreamrvorld and Catastrqphe:The Passing

of

Mass

Utopia inEastand West

(MIT

Press,2000),254-255.

30, About "Utagoe

campaign", see WatanabeYutaka,Utau kokumin:Shouka,

kouka,utagoe

[Singing

Nation:SingingSongs,SchoolSongs,Utagoe]

(Tokyo:

Chuoukouronsha,2010).

31. 0kubo Ryo,"Meiji-ki

no _gentou-kaini okeru chikaku tougyo no

Kyouiku gentou-kaitoNisshinsensou _gentou-kaino kuukanto kankyaku"

[The

LanternShow and ItsSpectatorsinLate Nineteenth-Century Japan:

The Management of Spectators'PerceptioninEducationalLantern Shows

and Sino-JapaneseWar LanternShows],Eizogaku

83 _(Nov

2009):18.

(20)

46

WASHITANI Hana

katsttdou:Setsurumento to shakai.fukushi

kyougikai

no kiroku

[Poverty

and

Community Welfare Activities:Documents on Settlementsand Councilof

Social Welfare]

(Tokyo:

Kabushikigaisha Mirai,2007).And about the

historyof Tokyo UniversitySettlement,see Zenkoku setsurumente rengou

shokikyoku

[Association

of National Settlements Secretariatl,Onoji

yorokobi to kanashimi no nakade: _gakusei setsurumento undou no kirok"

[Sharing

Joy and

Sorrow:

Documents on Students'Settlement

]

(Tokyo:

Sanichishobou,1957).

33.Among five_gentou works independently_produced by Tokyo Uniyersity

SettlementKawasaki Children'sClub,Kobe PlanetFilm Archives owns

three titles:My Mom, Kurihiko and Urihime

(1954),

and Wasshoi, Wasshoi,

Bun, Bun, Bun

(1953).

And Mr. Kako Satoshikindlyoffered me a copy of

script of Watashi tachi no Machi to Tsuruts"rumento

[Our

Town and

"Tsurutsurumento"]

(1954).

34. Kako,ibid,34

35,AccordingtoMr.Kako Satoshi'sletterinresponce tothisauthor's question,

children, especially thoseintheupper _grades"actively organized the events

or set up the venue as ifthey were the sponsors" at thescreening events of

these _gentouworks.

36. SekinoYoshio,"Gentou _kyouiku

ron"

[Theory

of Gentou Education],

Shikaku kyouiku seisetsu

[Theory

of Visual Education], ed. Nihon

Shichoukaku Kyouiku Kyoukai

[Japan

Audio VisualEducational AssociationFoundation]

(Tokyo:

Kanekoshobou,1949),314-315.

(21)