立命館学術成果リポジトリ

Re-organizing Community as a Mutual-Aid Entity:

A Case from Shizuoka

Hiroshi

T

Abstract

Japan has suffered from a long economic downturn which has severed many of Japanese from conventional social institutions such as households, the government, or private companies. We call this phenomenon of being cut off from the conventional safety-net as Muen-ka in Japanese. Mu means loss. En means conventional ties. ka means change of conditions. How we can help those who has lost contact with the rest of society?

In this presentation, I will briefly report the activities of the Youth Job Development Support Network of Shizuoka (hereafter, YJDSNS), which has been active for 15 years in Shizuoka prefecture, especially focusing upon its recent efforts to overcome Muen-ka by re-organizing communities.

YJDSNS was established in 2002 to help youth who had difficulty in finding and keeping work due to economic shrinkage and harsh working conditions prevalent in Japanese workplace. YJDSNS recently changed its policy. Now, they focus not only on assisting individuals (= those who are in trouble), but also re-organizing local communities so that community members can help each other.

Fig. I. Pestoff’s triangle Fig. II. Floating individuals

※ _{Professor, Department of International Relations University of Shizuoka}

© The Policy Science Association of Ritsumeikan University:

Figure I is the well-known Pestoff s triangle (Pestoff, 1998; 2005). The state is in charge of redistribution: the community (which is actually households) works based on the principle of reciprocity; and the market is run on the principle of exchange. Pestoff argues that the gap in the middle is supposed to be filled with associations which are responsible for providing welfare services. However, in Japan, as in Figure II, individuals who have lost en float in this middle gap, losing connections to the state, the community, and the market.

What YJDSNS has attempted to do and has somehow succeeded in Shizuoka is the re-organizing of the community to incorporate Muen-ka individuals into reciprocity-based relationships. I present what YJDSNS has achieved as a network of the people, by the people, for the people in the community.

Keywords: community, Pestoff s triangle, Muen-ka, commoning

1. Introduction

Polanyi (1944; 1957) writes in Great Transformation that The true criticism of market society is not that it was based on economics―in a sense, every and any society is based on it―but that its economy is based on self-interest . This paper is a presentation of an attempt to build our society upon mutual aid which has taken place in Shizuoka, Japan, for 16 years (Tsutomi, and Youth Job Development Support Network of Shizuoka, 2011; 2017). Before describing this attempt, I briefly overview how the Japanese society has impaired youth transitions to adulthood.

2. Societal changes affecting youth transitions

Japan is said to be a country where a stable life course is prepared for most youth. However, that image is no more a reality. Fig. 1 summarizes our national statistics on school students and new graduates. Out of 100 new students entering high school, 94 of the students finish high school while 6 leave school before completion. Out of 94 who finish high school, 4 graduates do not have any job or education to pursue upon graduation; 51 graduates go to college or university; 21 graduates go to technical school, and 18 graduates start working. Out of 51 who enter college or university, 6 of them drop out and 45 graduate from college or university. Out of 45 who successfully graduate from college or university, 11 of them have no place to go, 6 proceed to graduate school, and 28 join workforce and start working. Out of 28 who start working, 8 of them

discontinue working within three years, and 20 continue working more than three years. If you sum up all those who continue to work for three years after the last education, the total is only 41 out of 100. Thus, the life course of Japanese youth now follows a zig-zag pattern rather a straight path, which makes them harder to take up an adult role.

Even after joining the workforce, our life is unstable. Fig. 2 show the percentage of non-regular workers in Japan. There has been a stable increase of the percentage of non-regular workers since around 1990 (not shown in the figure) and the percentage reached almost 40% of the total employees in Japan. The same situation applies to youngsters (aged 25-34). Thus, it has become more difficult for young persons to be integrated into job market as regular and stable workers.

Fig. 1. Zig-zag path of 100 new high school students

The relative increase of non-regular employment has contributed to the difficulty for those unmarried with finding a marriage partner. Fig. 3 shows the rapid increase of unmarried rates for male and female starting around 1970 s and 1980 s. The situation seems worse for the male who are socially supposed to be bread earners in Japan, when you compare the rates of the male and the female of the same generation.

Fig. 2. Percentage of non-regular workers in Japan

(compiled by the author using data provided by the Kouseiroudou-sho (2018)) 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016

male

female

Fig. 4 shows the relationship between the unmarried rates and the types of employment for the male and the female. It is very much clear that the male with nonregular employment face a far large difficulty in finding a marriage partner. In their thirties, three quarter of them with nonregular work remain unmarried while only thirty percent of them with regular work remain unmarried. To note, the situation is starkly different for the female because many of them change their work style from regular to nonregular work after they get married in Japan, partly because Japanese long-working hours cause conflict especially with child care.

Fig. 3. Trend of unmarried rate

(compiled by Honkawa (2017)) 34.9 41 46.1 45.7 45.5 48.3 55.2 60.6 65.1 67.4 69.4 71.4 71.8 72.7 8 9.1 9.9 11.1 11.7 14.3 21.5 28.2 32.8 37.5 42.9 47.1 47.3 47.1 1.5 1.2 1.3 1.5 1.7 2.1 2.6 3.9 5.6 9 12.6 16 20.123.4 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015

male

female

50-Figures 5 and 6 give us a further bleak picture for the Japanese youth. Fig. 5 shows the percentage of cause of deaths by suicide for each age grades. As you find, the percentage almost reaches 50% for youths in twenties in Japan. This means a half of deaths are a result of suicide for this age group. This is a very painful figure. In Fig. 6, we can find a very high correlation (r=0.87) between the suicide rate (per 100,000) and the bad prospect for the future as perceived by young people, which means the stagnated societal mood which pervails in Japan definitely deprives young people of their lives.

Fig. 4. Relationship between the unmarried rate and the types of employment

(compiled by Honkawa (2012))          

PDOH

IHPDOH

Fig. 5. Percentage of deaths caused by suicide

(compiled by the author using raw data from Kouseiroudo-sho)

0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85-89 90-94 95-99 100 ʛ 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010

In formulating a policy for the youths, the Japanese government defines youth as those aged 15-39. The government further define those youths who are not employed, not at school, and not in training, as NEET. Figures 7 and 8 show governmental statistics on the trend of NEET population. The number of NEET has been stable for more than ten years while the percentage of NEET has shown a slight but continuing increase for the same period.

Fig. 6. Trend of suicide rate and prospect for bad future

(Maita, 2015)

Fig. 7 (left). Trend in the number of Non-employed young people Fig. 8 (Right). Trend in the percentage of non-employed people

In addition to the trend of NEET population, Table 1 and Figure 9 show the number and subcategories of hikikomori (those youth who withdraw from social and interpersonal relationships and exclude themselves at home from the rest of society). Hikikomori and NEET share the same age range (15-39) as defined by the government and mostly overlap with each other in reality. Actually, the estimated number of hikikomori, 696,000, is almost the same as that of NEET. Major reasons given by hikikomori why they become hikikomori include a failure to adapt to a workplace, sickness, and a failure to find employment.

There has been only one local municipality in Japan that conducted the full count of all hikikomori in their town. That is Fujisato-town in Akita prefecture. Fujisato-town is a small town of less than 4,000 population located in a very

(Naikaku-fu, 2018)

Table 1. Estimated number of hikikomori by condition

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Fig. 9. Reasons for becoming a hikikomori

remote area of northern Japan. Workers of their Council of Social Welfare (shakai-fukushi kyougi-kai) visited all households in town, asking whether there is a hikikomori at home and compiled a list of all members of the households. They found out that there were at least 113 hikikomori in their town. This is a surprisingly huge figure compared to the findings produced by survey-based research so far conducted by national and other local governments. Probably, the results of survey-based research were biased due to a large number of nonresponses by hikikomori.

3. Formulating Muen-Ka

Mu means loss in Japanese. En means connections in Japanese, especially personal and informal connections. Ka means a change of situation. So, Muen-ka means the change in one s situation from one with connections to one without connections. The stark condition surrounding youths in Japan described above is one of the phenomena related to Muen-ka, including solitary deaths of aged people at home, child abuse, and the increase of garbage-ridden houses.

We can visualize Muen-ka, using the well-known Pestoff s triangle (Pestoff, 1998; 2005). The triangle has three corners: state (public agencies), market (private firms), and community (households, families, etc.), which represent three major social institutions upholding the society. The remaining space in the middle (as shown in Fig. 10) represents an area not covered by the these major social institutions.

At present, this uncovered space is getting larger in Japan because of our stagnant economy and shrinking market, leading to the decrease in tax revenue and declining social spending by the government, and the destabilization of employment which limits the capacity of families to care for their members (see Fig. 11).

Pestoff himself argues that this space/gap could be covered by associations (voluntary/non-profit organizations) (see Fig. 10). However, in fact, this gap which existing social institutions (i.e., state, market, and community) fail to cover has not been filled by newly appearing ones (i.e. associations) in Japan. Individuals have been severed/released from the social institutions occupying the three corners and thrown into this space like a grain of sand, each one not connecting to each other (Fig. 12). Thus, Pestoff s triagle is helpful to explain the situation of the youth (and others socially excluded) in Japan.

Fig. 11. Widening gap in Pestoff’s triangle

How has this situation (Muen-ka) occurred? The suspicious suspect is neo-liberalism. Before neo-liberalism started to wield its power, the pursuit of economic freedom was mostly congruent with the pursuit of civic freedom. But as neo-liberalism has taken over the society, the pursuit of economic freedom has become divergent from the pursuit of civic freedom and the former indeed suppresses the latter in the current society. As a result, basic human rights or civic freedom is denied to many of us including the youth in the Japanese society. We need economy embedded in the society, so that we can be free from suppression by the global economy (Fig. 13). We see hope in our reconstruction of our local society so that we can be less dominated by the force of global market.

4. Regaining “en”: Youth Job Development Support Network of Shizuoka

Youth Job Development Support Network of Shizuoka (YJDSNS) is an organized network of about 1,000 citizens in the prefecture of Shizuoka who are interested in helping people who have difficulty in finding and keeping work. They started as a small group of about 10 citizens interested in helping unemployed youth in 2002. They have developed in size and service areas, and now do not limit target population to the youth. They help unemployed persons of all ages to find and keep job. Table 2 shows the overall picture of their services. Now, YJDSNS does provide services not only for the unemployed, but also for children of families with limited resources and single parents.

In addition to services provided by volunteers, they also started a dozen of services under contract with national and local governments in many parts of the prefecture of Shizuoka (Fig. 14).

The mission of YJDSNS is as follows, We aim to build a society based on mutual aid by providing those who cannot but want to work in the prefecture of Shizuoka with an escort-type job support through a network of citizens . Thus, our most important aim is not to provide job support itself, but to build a society/ community based on mutual aid. Admittedly, people who have been excluded from work tend to be inefficient workers. They definitely need some help. So, we are here to provide informal support as fellow citizens to help them get re-connected to local job market.

5. Extending the principle of reciprocity: Commoning the community.

The basic principle regulating the economy of community (lower left small triangle of the Pestoff s triangle) is reciprocity or mutual aid. People produce and

Table 2. Number of people supported by YJDSNS

2016 2017

Total (including support for children, single parents, etc.) 1255 1178

Those who were interested in finding job 869 761

Those who obtained job 551 393

obtain necessary goods and services based on the principle of reciprocity in the community (households, families, etc.), which is different from that of exchange governing market and that of redistribution governing the state. What we have tried to achieve in Shizuoka is the extension of the principle of reciprocity to cover the gap in the middle of Pestoff s triangle. We can regard our effort as a challenge to re-own the middle space as our commons . Commons is a space collaboratively managed and shared by a community. In a sense, we can consider our movement as a part of commoning, a social practice of organizing commons.

Commoning is facilitated as a self-organized social action beyond the power of market economy and state. Core principles of the commoning are based on reciprocity: contribution instead of exchange; actual use instead of property; sharing all that you can; and using all that you need.

6. Basic principles of work of YJDSNS

Table 3 lists basic principles of our support. Firstly, we believe that every person who seeks our support is able to work. We do not exclude anybody from our services because of their mental and physical conditions. As long as the person shows interest in working, we will help him/her believing that he/she can work whatever complications the person has. This principle is based on the findings of research on the effect of IPS (individual placement and support) for the mentally ill. IPS has been tested in many states of the US and in other countries and have been found to have a strong positive effect on the employment rate of the clients. As is shown in Fig. 15, the employment rate for those who received IPS is almost twice as that for those who underwent treatment as usual in 24 randomized controlled trials.

Table 3. Basic principles of support of YJDSNS 1. Assume that the person who needs help can work. 2. Escort the person to the community.

3. Accompany the life course as a friend in the community. 4. Reorganize community as a network.

5. Open a meeting place where people can mingle with each other. 6. Create an ecosystem of support.

Secondly, we escort the person in need directly to resources in the community such as prospective employers. We need to escort the person because those who need help have often been discouraged from seeking job opportunities due to their past experiences. They may fear that they may be rejected at interview;. They may fear that their future employers and colleagues are mean to them, which often make them reluctant to approach opportunities. So, we move with them so that they can get empowered and obtain new opportunities with less fear. In this process of escorting, we will not choose where to go. Instead, we will listen to what the person is interested in (such as food, flowers, nature, automobiles, elders, etc.) need and will propose the place to visit, inspired by their interests. We call what guide us what they like and who they like .

Thirdly, we help each other along our life course as members belonging to the same local community. Just starting to work is not at all a solution to us. Sometimes, it can cause more stress and burden for us. Also, at this time of precarious labor market, there is no guarantee that we can hold the same job. In a sense, we are in a permanent transition period to adulthood throughout our life. So, we need to form a relationship in which we can take turns to support each other. Anyone can lose job at any time in their life, so one who needs help at one time will become one who provides help at another time. To form such relationship, we regularly hold follow-up gatherings locally to share how we get along so that we can help each other as fellow citizens.

Fig. 15. Effects of IPS programs

(Bond, 2017) 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 96

NH AL12 07 IL CT04 AUST12 HK 08 CA 10 AUST08 SWZ14 SC06 DC 99 CA12 EUR07 HK09 US13 QUE06 SWE15 JAP14 HOL14 AUST15 SWZ15 15 IL MD02 UK11

Fourth, we reorganize a community as a network. Service organizations prepared by bureaucracy such as public welfare and employment agencies are usually hierarchical, which makes users as an end-point of the structure. If one seeks to receive a service from such a structure, bureaucrats often sends the person in need from one reception to another, which will make the person discouraged to find the service necessary. Instead of bureaucracy, we organize community residents as an informal network encompassing the person in need. In this network, supporters interact and communicate with each other to take advantage of the talent and interests of each member, and the person in need can look to any member whom the person wants to talk to. Thus, we reorganize the relationships among us (=community residents) so that we can help each other.

Fifthly, we open a meeting place where anybody in the community can come across and talk. Sometimes we open our offices so that everybody can come in, sit and talk each other whoever present. Sometimes we hold a community gathering so that anybody interested in social issues can join and share one s interest and propose actions for solution. Ordinary citizens including our volunteers, employers, and service seekers need a place and an occasion where they can mingle and talk with each other. We believe that new ideas and solutions will emerge from encounters among diverse participants. Our concept of a meeting point is stimulated by a concept of Suiten coined by Minakata Kumagusu (1867-1941), a Japanese prodigious scholar. Suiten is a point where various causal sequences intersect and where the inevitable and the evitable meet. This is an intersection where very much different people interact and influence each other. Suiten provides us with an original image of our meeting point.

Sixthly, we provide not only job support but also any kind of relevant support necessary including housing support, food support, and transport support because job support cannot function without other types of support. Person in need of job usually have multiple problems which are related to each other and, in a sense, form an ecosystem of problems. So, if we try to solve these inter-related problems, we will necessarily form an ecosystem of support comprised of inter-connected support services.

Seventhly, we fill our areas with self-reproductive organizations. We started as a very small of group of about ten people in 2002. Since then, we have asked many people to join our network which is now composed of 1,000 people. We image ourselves as an organism which can multiply like cells to cover more areas and reach more people. This is quite similar to the development of an organism in fractal shape as shown in Fig. 16. We start as a small unit which will grow larger,

and, divide into smaller parts like cells. The point is that every part of a fractal shape, large or small, has the same shape. There is no control-and-order relationship among parts. The are simply reproductions of each other.

7. Re-organizing a community from pyramid to network

Thus, YJDSNS is an organic system in the community which helps a person who have difficulty in working by linking him/her to our volunteer network and sharing him/her with the en (=informal connections) owned by our volunteers. We as members of a local community have accumulated a lot of en such as en as workmates, en as relatives, en as (former) schoolmates, en as neighbors, etc. we share our diverse en rooted in the community to help a person in need to gain an opportunity to find and keep jobs in the community (See Fig. 18).

Fig. 16. Examples of fractal shape

When we meet a person who needs help, we simply chat with him/her to find out what he/she does or does not like. A slight expression of preference by him/her can suggest us an idea about which en should be activated to help the person. In the process of support, we form a circle of supporters around the person who needs help, to take advantage of different capabilities of our supporters. This circle itself is a safety network in which the person in need can grab many hands as well as an interactive space which can produce new ideas to offer unique and suitable opportunities to the person in need (see Fig. 18).

As we mentioned above, what we create is not a hierarchical pyramid like public agencies, but a horizontal and informal network of citizens. An administrative pyramid will drop off the person in need between silos of bureaucracy, but our network will hold him/her by keeping the person on trampoline (see Fig. 19) composed of helping hands.

Fig. 18. Forming a support network surrounding a person who needs help

8. Building an eco-system of support

In addition to the difficulty in finding and keeping work, people face multiple problems in one s life. One may not be able to pay house rent. One may not be able to keep their houses clean and hygienic. One may fail to pay public utility charges such as water and electricity. One may not be able to send his/her child to a cram school which is quite common in Japan. One may fail to purchase enough food to eat. These problems are closely related to each other which constitute an ecosystem of problems (see Fig. 21), forming a feed-back system.

So, if we can form network of groups interested in challenging each problem and, we can form an ecosystem of support (see Fig. 22). What is important in this system is that some members of different groups overlap each other so that they can be personally connected.

With this ecosystem of support, we can cover the space in the middle of the Fig. 20. Ecosystem of problems

Pestoff s triangle. Each problem attracts people who are concerned about the problem and interested in solving it. In a sense, a problem itself becomes a meeting point, where people in the community can intersect. People in the community meet and talk with each other and start to work together toward a solution. This ecosystem of support can pick up and connect individuals who have been lost in the middle space and can change them from the isolated and powerless to the connected and powerful (see Fig. 23).

Fig. 23 shows an example of an ecosystem of support we have established in the city of Numazu in Shizuoka prefecture. There are several support groups related to each other: one escorts people with difficulty in finding work to a workplace; one holds summer school for children of single parent families; one provides free informal education to children who cannot afford cram schools; one assists those who cannot afford moving; one opens a children s restaurant for children in the community to eat together; and one holds meetings of self-help groups with similar issues such as LGBT. We have held a town gathering once a year since 2016. Concerned citizens join to discuss any issues in the community which they concerned about and came up with proposals for actions. Our ecosystem of support has developed out of interections which have emerged from meetings.

We believe that many of us are personally interested in one or more of these problems. But what one is interested in is different from what another is interested in because everybody has led a different life course and experienced different problems in one s life. Therefore, what is necessary is to visualize the connections among these interests so that we can understand that they form a network.

9. YJDSNS as a social enterprise?

Social enterprise is usually defined as a commercial organization that provides goods or services to meet specific social objectives. Simply stating, social enterprise is a business for the society. Instead, YJDSNS is an organization comprised of the citizens, run by the citizens, for the citizens, belonging to the same community.

That is, in Pestoff s triangle, social businesses belong to the lower right triangle (market) and attempt to do some good to the middle space where people who are cut off from conventional social institutions float without support. So, social business is based on the economic principle of exchange. However, because these people without social connections lack resources, it is difficult for social enterprises to gain profit from them.

So, to sustain their business, Japanese social businesses often turn to the state (the top triangle) to gain financial support. The state often finds social businesses as a cheaper provider of public services. In this sense, social businesses obtain their resources not from the market, but from the state, and now act as one of the recipients of redistribution.

On the contrary, YJDSNS starts from the lower left triangle of the Pestoff s triangle. YJDSNS is based on the economic principle of reciprocity, or mutual aid. For example, YJDSNS maintains a mailing list in which requests for basic necessities and appliances such as school uniforms, rice cookers, bicycles, and washing machines are distributed. Thus, we share what we have at home as extra with those in need to jointly survive the economic and social hardship.

YJDSNS procures our resources from the community, neither from the Fig. 23. Ecosystem of support (at Numazu city)

market nor from the state, by reorganizing our social relationships. As you may have recognized, we rely on the theory of complex systems (e.g. Urry, 2002). Actually, the concept of Suiten of Kumagushu is quite similar to the concept of critical point in the theory of complex systems which demarcates and links chaos and order. So, if look at our challenge from the theory of complex systems, we are setting our community between chaos in which people cannot seek help and order in which people are controlled by power and under control.

Thus, YJDSNS is a social enterprise in the sense that we are organizing a society where people can comfortably live with mutual aid. There are no giver-recipient relationships among us, so that we can avoid power-based exploitation of

clients by making them consumers of services. Usually, public agencies and private firms have a pyramidal structure which specify their clients and exclude a person if he/she may not be eligible or profitable. However, YJDSNS is organized as an organic network of networks in fractal shape.

10. Closing Remarks

Polanyi (1944; 1957) writes that After a century of blind improvement man is restoring his habitation . If industrialism is not to extinguish the race, it must be subordinated to the requirements of man s nature. The true criticism of market society is not that it was based on economics―in a sense, every and any society is based on it―but that its economy is based on self-interest .

The achievements of YJDSNS in Shizuoka can be seen as an attempt of overcoming this problem by commoning. Commoning can re-embed economy in society by re-organizing and mobilizing a local community on the principle of reciprocity (=mutual aid).

Bollier (2016) writes that More than a political philosophy or policy agenda, the commons is an active, living process. It is less a noun than a verb because it is primarily about the social practices of commoning̶acts of mutual support, conflict, negotiation, communication and experimentation that are needed to create systems to manage shared resources. This process blends production (self provisioning), governance, culture, and personal interests into one integrated system.

I believe the achievements of YJDSNS is a good example of commoning the care for those in need. Our ecosystem of support may be a proposal for the future in which our basic needs are met by our mutual aid, not by commercialization. Social enterprise should not be run by business for self-interest, but should be one

of the people, by the people, for the people.

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