ノース訳プルータークとシェイクスピア（英文）

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(1)Title. ノース訳プルータークとシェイクスピア（英文）. Author(s). 尾形, 猛. Citation. 北海道教育大学紀要. 第一部. A, 人文科学編, 20(1): 93-114. Issue Date. 1969-07. URL. http://s-ir.sap.hokkyodai.ac.jp/dspace/handle/123456789/3962. Rights. Hokkaido University of Education.

(2) Vol. 20, No. 1 Journal of Hokkaido University of Education June. 1969. NORTH'S PLUTARCH AND SHAKESPEARE BY TAKESHI OOATA Department of English, Hakodate Branch, Hokkaido University of Education. ^ S:: ^-^JR7°^-^-^<h^x^^^^7. For Sir Thomas More, Utopia would not have been complete without the company of Plutarch. So the Utopians had to be taught Greek by their European visitor, Raphael Hythloday. " In less than three years they were perfect in the language and. able to peruse good authors without any difficulty unless the text had faulty readings."D Hythloday's portable library of Greek authors is surprisingly complete, ineluding all of Plato and Aristoteles ; Lucian, Plutarch ; Aristophanes, Homer, Euripides, Sophocles ; Thucydides, Herodotus ; Hippocrates, and Galen. The Utopians were much interested in them. Especially they were " very fond of the works of Plutarch."2) In this, we can see Plutarch was very popular in England, although Utopia is not England. According to G. Highet, Plutarch's Parallel Lives was " made accessible in. Latin by Guarino and others in the early fifteenth century."3) The fact tells us at that time the Lives was accessible only to scholars who could read Greek or at least Latin. As IVtore's " unless the text had faulty readings" suggests, the preparation for a correct text was a major task on the part of the humanists. There was no. English translation of the Lives yet. At the time More's Utopia was published, that is, in 1516, the Lives was still inaccessible to common people. But among scholars, it was very popular.. What is the main cause of this appreciation of classical literature and the Lives ? One reason lies in humanism. The word humanism has a very wide meaning. But in one sense, humanism may be defined as a revival of interest in classical life and literature. And the interest came from the people's awaking in the virtue of humane things. As the classical writers were pagan rather than Christian, and dealt with mundane affairs rather than with "divine " theology, the study of classical writers was suppressed during the Mediaeval age. In the Renaissance, people were awaking in humane virtue. The saying of Protagoras, not God but "man is the measure of all.

(3) TAKESHI OGATA things " became their philosophy. They said that man is man, that is, a compound of soul and body. People, then, did not like asceticism, which condemns the flesh,. although they themselves condemned sensuality. They sought the beauty of the body as well as of the soul, and true humane personal feelings and experiences. Therefore humanism first began with the contact with classical literature, because classical literature is rich with these feelings. Scholars learned Greek and Latin. The languages brought them home "to the glory that was Greece, and the grandeur that was Rome." They explored the store of humane and mundane knowledge and experience preserved from the civilization of Greece and Rome. Much was to be learned from the ancient people's discussions of conduct and ethic, their ideas of government and the state, their political precepts, their theories on education, and the like. Castiglione's The. Courtier, translated by Sir Thomas Ho by; Sir Thomas Elyot's The Governor ; Giovanni Della Casa's Galateo, translated by Robert Peterson; Stephen Guazzo's The. Civil Conversation, translated by Petty and Bartholomew Young ; Machiavelli's The Prince, translated by Edward Dacres ; and Roger Ascham's Scholemaster may be. considered their followers. And the ancients' histories and biographies excited Englishmen's interest in man. Those books were in great demand. The reason why Plutarch's Lives was demanded is explained from that trend. Renaissance Englishmen were drawn to the classics, because they found something congenial to their own feelings, that is, a humane way of thinking. In the beginning, however, scholars alone had access to the classical treasures. In addition, the English language was not recognized as a proper medium of expressing. the range of abstract ideas and thought embodied in the ancient languages. Only Latin and Greek were the keys to the world of knowledge; they are languages in which much highly esteemed poetry, oratory, and philosophy were to be read. And Latin had the advantage of universal currency among scholars in Europe. Next to that classical language, vulgar tongues seemed immature, unpolished, and limited in resource. The " revival of learning " which was one main phase of humanism made the records of Greek civilization become once more available in the original. But. classical literature was not translated by scholars into English in the very beginning of the sixteenth century, because scholars did not need translation and " they felt. their superiority to the less highly educated and were jealous of prerogative which belonged to them alone," as Baugh pointed out. Furthermore, as Baugh again says, " it was feared that the study of the classical languages, and even learning itself, would suffer if the use of the vernaculars were carried too far. And there were many who. felt, that it would be dangerous if matters like the disputes of theology and discussions in medicine fell into the hands of the indiscreet."4) Sir Thomas More did not object much to the use of the vernaculars. Although he wrote his Utopia in Latin, it is only for the fear of censure from the court because of his satire expressed in the work. In his Utopia, he tells us that Utopians " learn the various branches of. — 94 —.

(4) NORTH'S PLUTARCH AND SHAKESPEARE knowledge in their native tongue. The latter is copious in vocabulary and pleasant. to the ear and a very faithful exponenfc of thoughf's) More is a defender of English here. But he objected to Tyndale's translation of the Bible. It was Tyndale's protestant-like heretical glosses and untraditional terms that excited Catholic More's indignation. But it shows that in the matter of theology even More was against the use of English because of its wide influence to the uneducated. But humanism was not limited only in the scholastic " Revival of Learning. The rich store of knowledge and experience preserved from the civilizations of Greece and Rome, which the Revival of Learning had revealed, was demanded by people in general. One phase of humanism is democratic, and some humanist scholars wanted to answer this demand. And this phase of humanism was connected in the effort for the substitution of Latin by the vernacular as a literary medium. According to Baugh,6) Albert! in Italy as early as 1434 defended his use of the vernacular. His remarks influenced. Cardinal Bembo. In France Du Bellay wrote his Deffence et Illustration de la Langue Franôyse. Du Bellay's point of view was expressed many times by other members. of the Pleiade. In England likewise there were many defenders of English. William Caxton felt the. need for the one tongue. Sir Thomas Elyot, although he was educated. in Greek and Latin, wrote his The Boke Named the Gonvernour (1531) in English. Roger Ascham wrote in his ToxopJ-iilvs (1545) ;. And though to haue written it in an other tonge had bene bothe more profitable for my study, and also more honest for my name, yet I can. thinke my labour wel bestowed, yf with a little bynderaunce of my profyt and name, maye come any fourtheraunce, to the pleasure or commoditie, of the gentlemen and yeomen of Englande, for whose sake I tooke this matter in hande.7). The statement is apologetic. As Baugh says, " Certainly those who used English. where they might have been expected to write in Latin often seem to anticipate possible criticism, and attempt to justify their action."8) This kind of anticipation is seen even in the use of English for the translation from other vulgar tongues. George Pettie's statement clearly shows the condition. He says in his translation of Guazzo's. The Ciuile Conuersation:. There are some others yet who wyll set lyght by my labours because I write in Englysh, and ... the woorst is, they thinke that impossible to be doone in our Tongue. For they count it barren, they count it. — 95 —.

(5) TAKESHI OGATA barbarous, they count it vnworthy to be accounted of.9). But" he adds:. how hardly soeuer you deale with your tongue, how barbarous soeuer you count it, ho\v litle soeuer you esteeme it, I durst my selfe vnder-. take (if I were furnished with Learnyng otherwyse) to wryte in it as copiouslye for varietie, as compendiously for breuitie, as choycely for woordes, as pithily for sentences, as pleasauntly for figures, and euery way as eloquently as any writer should do in any vulgar tongue whatsoeuer.io). Here we can see at last an Englishman's confidence in his use of English. But Richard Mulcaster's statement is more definitely confident. He says :. I loue Rome but London better, I fauor Italie but England more, I. honor the Latin, but I worship the English... T do not think that anie language, be it whatsoeuer, is better able to vtter all argumentes either with more pith or greater planesse then our English tung is. 10. Those statements show that despite a rather persistent opposition the recognition of. English was finally achieved. As we have seen, English has slowly won recognition as a language of serious thought. And translation also was regarded gradually as important. Sir Thomas Hoby says in the preface of his translation of The Courtier, " Therefore the translation of Latin or Greek authors, does not only hinder learning, but it furthers it, yea it is. learning itself, and a great stay to youth, and the noble end to the which they ought to apply their wits..." But there was another controversy about the purity of English. Some men objected " strange terms " which were borrowed from other languages. It shows the same patriotic mind as shown in the assertions of using English. Caxton translated Eneydos into English, and was blamed by purists because of his " ouer curyous termes whiche coude not be vnderstande of comyn peple."l2) He was advised " to vse olde and homely termes."13) Sir John Cheke says, referring to Hoby's translation of The Courtier, "I am of this opinion that owr own tung should be written cleane and pure, vnmixt. — 96 —.

(6) NORTH'S PLUTARCH AND SHAKESPEARE and vnmangeled with borowing of other tunges."14) Thomas Wilson, in his The Arte of Rhetorique, objected to " straunge ynke home term," that is, learned words newly. coined or brought into English from other languages, especially Latin but also French, Italian, and others. 15) He shows the sample in a burlesque letter.!6) I quote here the first sentence.. Ponderying, expendyng, and reuolutyng with my selfe your ingent affabilitie and ingenious capacitie for mundane affaires, I cannot but celebrate and exfolle yow magniftcall dexferiiee aboue. all other.. According to Baugh,11'') the words in italics are those unfamiliar in Wilson's day.. It is interesting to note that several of them have since become accepted in the language. George Petfcie, the translator of Guazzo's The Ciuile Conuersation, in the "Preface to the Readers," defends Latinism, saying:. an Inkehorne terme ... is in deed the ready way to inrich our tongue. and make it copious, aud it is the way which all tongues have taken to inrich them selues.18). As for this controversy, I think Pettie won the battle, when I think of the richness of the English language, having many doublets and triplets. The English language is a master of borrowing. But Wilson also objected "affected Rhetorique/'19) Euphuism, Gongorism, Marinism, and archaism. He said, " The fine Courtier will talke nothyng but Chaucer."20) I think his endeavor "to speake simply and plainly to the common people's understanding" made a wholesome influence on the development of Elizabethan prose style, just as, in poetry too, the similar effort of Wyatt, Surrey, and Sidney to use no archaic diction, made a good influence on the later development of English. poetry. Even Spenser used plain diction except in the Shepherdes Calendar and Faerie Queene. Shakespeare's plainer language in his later plays, although it is symbolic as well as metaphoric, is, I think, in their tradition. Anyway, while various controversies were fought among scholars, translations were carried out immensely. Popular demand for the classical treasures was very keen.. Humanistic scholars like Tyndale, Ascham, and Wilson made translations or defended them. And the enthusiasm of the popular demand was too impatient to wait for scholars ' translations. Diplomats, courtiers, and other men of the world made translations themselves.. — 97 —.

(7) TAKESHI OGATA As I said before, Plutarch's works were accessible only through Greek and Latin,. therefore only to scholars, at the time when More published his Utopia. But in 1528, Sir Thomas Wyatt published "Thomas Wyatis translatyon of Plutarches boke of the Quyete of Mynde." And many translations from Plutarch followed, such as The Governaunce of good helthe, Erasmus beynge interpretoure" (1530), "Practica Plutarche. the excellent Phylosopher (extracts ; medical prescriptions)" (1530?), Sir Thomas Elyot's " How one maye take profite of his enmyes" (1533 , and 1550 ?) and " The Education or bringing up of children" (1535), John Hales' " The Preceptes of the excellent clerke and grave philosopher Plutarche for the preservation of good Healthe " (1543), James Sandford's " The Amorous and Tragicall Tales of Plutarch " (1567), Edward Grant's " A President for Parentes " (1595), Thomas Blundeville's " Three Morall Treatises.. The Learned Prince: The Fruites of Foes: The Port of Rest" (1580), John Chapman's (< A Philosophical Treatise concerning the quietness of the mind " (1589), and Philemon Holland's "The Philosophie, commonlie called how a man may reape profit by his enemy " (1601). Sir Thomas North's " The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Remains " was published in 1595, became very popular, and was republished successively in 1603, 1612, 1631, and 1657.. II Plutarch's Parallel Lives became very popular by North's translation, as it is evident from its successive editions. What are the reasons for its vast popularity ? First,. Elizabethans' heroic patriotism may be pointed out. At one time Elizabethans felt a sense of crisis because of their position among European powers and needed a national unity. This is parallelled with their craving for "degree" and "order" which are seen in books such as Thomas Elyofc's The Governor, Spenser's Hymn of Love, Hooker's " Of the Lawes of Ecclesiastical Politic," and Shakespeare's Troilus and Cressida,^ Anyway, they were in high spirit trying to surpass advanced countries. They became patriotic, and summoned fame and public glory. So they venerated heroic antiquity and heroic noble deeds which are abundant in Plutarch's Lives. As Castiglione's Courtier was their courtly ideal, Plutarch's Lives might have been considered as a heroic ideal. And later, too, its subject-matter appealed to the Englishmen's taste. for national glory which was then enjoyed in England after the splendid victory against the Armada. Secondly, Elizabethans struggled for world virtues as well as spirifcual Platonic virtues. They wanted " profitable " stories for them. They wanted the moral of the courtier devoted alike to statecraft and poetry, to war and love. This moral also can be seen in the Lives. And in fact, this is the spirit North recommended in his translation of the Lives.. There is no prophane studye better then Plutarke. All other learning — 98 —.

(8) NORTH'S PLUTARCH AND SHAKESPEARE is priuate, fitter for Vniuersities then cities, fuller of contemplacion than experience, more commendable in the students them selues than profitable vnto others... But this man being excellent in wit, learning, and experience, hath chosen the speciall actes of the best persons, of the famosest nations of the world.22). Thirdly, as Paul Turner pointed out,23) Plutarch's combination of biography with moral lessons was congenial to the men of the Renaissance when individualism and free speculations were the two great values. Fourthly, as many scholars pointed out, Plutarch was not a scientific historian. He has little sense of time period. He was more the moralist than the mere historian. And his explicit concern is in great living individuals and their " psychopathology." He is curious about the weakness, contradictions, and idiosyncrasies of human individuals. He wrote:. For, the noblest deeds do not always show men's virtues and vices, but oftentimes a light occasion, a word or some sport makes men's natural dispositions and manners appear more plain, than the famous battles won, wherein are slain ten thousand men, or the great armies, or cities won by siege or assault. 24). Plutarch s description of great men is not formal. He sees men as men, their weakness as well as their nobility. In one word, humanity is characteristic in the Lives.. I think this is the main cause of the wide appeal to the men of the Renaissance. The Elizabethans were very keen to the glory and joy of life as well as to an eternal beauty and truth. They were also deeply aware of the transient phase of life, and of. the sadness and the mutability of life. And they were very individualistic. So they were exceedingly interested in the idiosyncrasies of individuals. They could see men as men, men like beasts and men like gods, men's weakness as well as men's nobility.. Their attitude towards life and man is congenial to Plutarch's. Therefore they liked the Lives. They were growing complex, subtle, and mature in their mind. Of course,. I think, their own experience in life and their deep and vigorous reflection on that experience made them become mature. But I believe that such books as Plutarch's Lives also influenced them greatly and accelerated their becoming mature.. Another charm of Plutarch's Lives to the Elizabethans must have been that of vivid description. But this merit must be ascribed to Sir Thames North. Therefore next. I would like to consider North's translation of the Lives.. — 99 —.

(9) TAKESHI OGATA. m North's Plutarch is a translation of a translation. " It is an English translation of a French translation of a Latin translation of a Greek original."25) North was not a professed classical scholar, as very few of the Tudor translators were. He was a magistrate.. He was born in London, 28 May 1535.26) "In 1574, he accompanied his brother Roger to the French court when the latter became ambassador extraor-. dinary to congratulate Henri III on his accession. There North probably met Bishop Jacques Amyot, Plutarch's French translator."27) North's translation of Plutarch's. Lives is from Jacques Amyot's Les Vies Des Hommes Illustres. (1559). It has been often pointed out that North's translation is inaccurate. According to Turner, Amyot himself sometimes made mistakes, to which North added more mistakes. Turner pointed out various causes of the mistakes North made. One is North's. lack of sufficient knowledge of French. North often ascribed the wrong gender to ambiguous words like lui or ses, or confused homonyms. His comparative lack of classical knowledge is another cause of the mistakes. "He will cheerfully convert. Augustus into Julius Caesar, and Phoenix, the tutor of Achilles, into the Phoenix of Arabia. 28) But mainly the mistakes are caused from his haste and carelessness. "His omissions range from single word to complete sentences. Sometimes they do not matter, but often they reverse the sense, or introduce into the narrative a spurious element of mystery."2-?). Turner again pointed out that North often inserts his own commentary, but in this case the insertion makes a story more vivid. " When Cicero ceases to be Manilius's judge, and agree to act as his advocate. North instinctively expresses the change in terms of physical movement, by inserting the words: ' coming from the bench, standing at the bar/ "30) Turner, and Tucker Brook also, pointed out that North changed Amyot's rather sedate or gentle expression into vertebrate, picturesque, and colloquial. idioms, which have all the high color of the Elizabethan imagination. " Cicero's wife does not merely 'dominate her husband,' but she 'wears her husband's breeches.'"3D " ' Cassius rose up on his feet and gave him two good whirls on the ear/ where. gentle Amyot had written ' luy donna une couple de soufflets/ "32) This kind of translation can not be said accurate of course. It is definitely inaccurate. But it can not be also said a wrong translation. It just adds vividness to the original and intensifies it. Despite these inaccuracies, we feel North's translation is natural. Richard Trench says:. We may trace too in this volume ^North's translation of the Lives'] some of the processes by whose aid our vocabulary was at that day • 100—.

(10) NORTH'S PLUTARCH AND SHAKESPEARE enriching itself from the classical tongues which were then being familiarly studied in England. The book contains a multitude of Greek and Latin words in course of naturalization into English, but in the. classical terminations which they still retain bearing about them the tokens of their foreign origin, which only at a later date they should wholly lay aside: as, for example, these: — academia, aedlis, the Law Agraria, the Sea Atlanticum,the Sea Caspium, aristocratia, Creta, centauri, democatia, helleborum, hemistichion, the Sea JVIediten-aneum, obliscul, obstraci°mos, parallelon, praedicatum, the mountains Pyrenaei, subjectum, Troia.33). This is true, but North's English is, on the whole, native, colloquial, and pure. Furthermore, North's English is blunt and direct, simple and homespun, and also fresh and racy. See his following narratives:. And sometimes also, when he [Antonius.] would go up and down the. city disguised, like a slave in the night, and would peer into poor men's windows and their shops, and schold and brawl with them within the house, Cleopatra would be also in a chamber-maid's array, and amble up and down the streets with him, so that oftentimes Antonius bare away both mocks and blows,. And,. When he [Philotas] was in the kitchin, and saw a world of diuersifcies of meates, and amongst others, eight wilde boares rosted whole, he began to wonder at it, and sayd, Sure you haue a great number of ghests to supper." The cooke fell a laughing, and answered him, "No," quoth he, "not many ghestes, nor aboue twelae in all: but yet. all that is boyled or roasted must be serued in whole, or else it would be marred straight. For Antonius peraduenture will deferre it longer,. for that he hath dronke well to day, or else hath had some other great matters in hand; and therefore we doe not dresse one supper only, but many suppers, bicause we are uncerteine of the houre he will suppe in."34). —101—.

(11) TAKESHI OGATA. And,. Another time, being but a litle boye, he [Alcibiades] played at skayles in the middest of the streete with other of his companions, and when his turne came about to throwe, there came a carte loden by chaunce. that way e, Alcibiades prayed the carter to staye awhile, vntill he had played out his game, bicause the skailes were set right in the high way where the carte should passe ouer. The carter was a stubborne knaue and would not staye for any request the boye could make, but draue his horse on still, in so much as other boyes gaue backe to let. him goe on, but Alcibiades fell flat to the grounde before the carte, and had the carter drive ouer and he durste. The carter being afeard,. plucked backe his horse to staye them, the neighbours flighted to see the daunger, ranne to the boye in all hast crying out.35). In the above passages, there is little suggestion of a foreign tongue or of a translation from a foreign tongue. All the narratives are native and pure. Even Sir John Cheke and Thomas Wilson could have applauded North's translation. In the last passage quoted above, as Turner pointed out,36) there is an anachronism. North made Alcibiades play at skayles, which means skittles or ninepins. The original is knucklebones (used as dice). But it is charming when we consider North's predilection of contemporary English.. John Middleton Murry praised North's plain narrative. But he finds that North's prose is sometimes blurring and lacks psychological discrimination. He says, " when the psychology becomes at all complex, he also becomes uncertain."37) " That. absence of distinction between written and spoken English which serves him so well in simple narratives leaves him uncertain in the presence of more subtle matter."38) Murry compares Volumina's speech to Coriolanus in North's translation with Shakespeare's corresponding lines, and finds Shakespeare's " clarity of a mind of superior energy."39) It is true that North often uses somewhat long-winded going-on-andon style and it embarrasses us in its labyrinth. Sometimes identification of antecedent is difficult, and sometimes anacoluthon occurs. But on the whole. North's prose is admirable. Murry also admits that. Above all. North's translation has its. independent and individual life. It does not smell of the lamp. It sometimes is not accurate, seldom word for word, but it comes mainly from the fact that it is a translation not merely into a new language but into the feelings of another age. Here I remind of T. S. Eliot's words about Ezra Pound's Cathay, in which some —102—.

(12) NORTH'S PLUTARCH AND SHAKESPEARE critics and scholars have found inaccuracies or mistakes. Eliot says, " Pound's Cathay will be a ' Windsor Translation' as Chapman and North are now ' Tudor. Translations ': it will be called (and justly) a ' magnificent speciemen of XXt.h century poetry' rather a ' translation.' Each generation must translate for itself. "40) North translated definitely for his own generation.. IV North's Plutarch is famous as the source of Shakespeare's Roman plays, Timon of Athens, Julius Caesar, Coriolanus, and Antony and Cleopatra. Shakespeare was probably attracted by Plutarch's humane treatment of Roman heroes, and the paradoxical relation between private and public virtue. And he perhaps enjoyed North's vivid translation of Plutarch's stories, especially of " Life of Antony." As for North's "Life of Antony," Murry says, the story "is magnificent and vivid in a certain. definite way. Shakespeare had no choice, if he was to deal with the theme at all; he had to be more magnificent, and more vivid, in the same definite way. And he was."4l) in order to ascertain this, now I would like to examine the description of Antony's first meeting with Cleopatra in North's Plutarch as closely as possible, and then compare it with Shakespeare's corresponding lines in Antony and Cleopatra (II, ii, 194-226), the passage that is the most famous example of Shakespeare's use of North. North describes the scene as follows:. Therefore when she was sent vnto by diuers letters, both from Antonius him selfe, and also from his frendes, she made so light of it. and mocked Antonius so much, that she disdained to set forward otherwise, but to take her barge in the riuer of Cydnus, the poope whereof was of gold, the sailes of purple, and the owers of siluer, which kept stroke in rowing after the sounde of the musicke of flutes, howboyes, citherns, violls, and such other instruments as they played vpon in the barge. And now for the person of her. selfe: she was layed vnder a pauillion of cloth of gold of tissue, and apparelled and attired like the goddesse Venus, comonly drawen in picture: and hard by her, on either hand of her, pretie faire. boyes apparelled as painters doe set forth god Cupide, with litle fannes in their hands, with the which they fanned wind vpon her. Her Ladies and gentlewomen also, the fairest of them were appa-. relied like the nymphes Nereides (which are the mermaides of the waters) and like the Graces, some stearing the helme, others. tending the tackle and ropes of the barge, out of the which there 103-.

(13) TAKESHI OGATA came a wonderfull passing sweete sauor of perfumes, that perfumed the wharfes side, pestered with innumerable multitudes of people.. Some of them followed the barge all alongest the riuers side ; others also ranne out of the citie to see her camming in. So that in thend, there ranne such multitudes of people one after an other to see her, that Antonius was left post alone in the market place, in his Imperiall seate to geue audience ; and there went a rumor in the. peoples mouthes that the goddess Venus was come to play with the god Bacchus, for the generall good of all ASIA.. North's description here is really splendid. It has a sustained nobility and dignity. Perhaps the merit must be ascribed to Amyot or Plutarch, as it is a translation. I have not seen Amyot's French version. But comparing North's version with the. Greek original I ascertained that North's version has its own style different from that of the original. The Greek original reads,. IIoôt 8s KM nap' a6to0 K.ai 'Kapa x&v î\(OV Qs7.op.kvq Tpd/j.p.a'ca KaôUvTcov, ourw K.aVS.^pov'âs. Kac Kars.fs.â.as TOU avSpot; (SGTS TC^SCV otva ror K68vov nova{j,6v s,v TtopOp.s.cw 'X.puaonpup.vqi, rwv p.e.v loîaov aôuftf&v eKTC&Tts.Taap.svwv, T^C 8s slpscrât; apûpasc; nwTta.^ ava.^s.pop.ev'fl'; TTjOoC a\)\ibv a.p.a o6ptf^l Kai KC0dpac<; cswqpp.oap.kvov. au-vr] 8s KaTSKScro p.s.v UTTO (jK.cdSc IpwoTCdavo} KSK.ocifi'rfp.e.vfj rpa^CKW? wa'Ksp A(f)po8ivf], nacSs^ 8s rofC Ypa<^CKOc<; ''Epwffcr WK.aaiJ.e.VQi reap s.K.dvspov eo'TfiireC eppcTCcôv. op.ocw^ 8s. K-al 0spa7Ca(Vc8s<; at na^.Ma'CS.uouaac N'fjp'QlSw^ itousae Kac XapcvaJV dTOâC, at p.s.v TTpoc ola^tV, al Se TTpoC naôt^ âav. oSp.ac 8e Oaup.aavac TffC o7.6a<; ano Ou/j.cap.aTdJV Tto^^&v KaTseXov. t&v 8e avQpwTtwv ol tJ-kv euûC CT7TO TOU TtOT.ap.oQ TCaftW/J.dp'COUV SK(XTipW0SV, ol 8s cOtb T^C TTOêaiC K.OtXS.â.tVOV £TC{ TT)V Oeav. s.n'X.sop.evou 8s TOO KaTa rrjV oÔftbiV oT.ôi) TeAoc ayi^C 6 'Avrwveo^ £7ti ^rjp.avo^ K.aQs.^p.s.vo^ a.ns^s.iÔ'fj p.6vo^. KCCC Ti'c ^roC sT.wpst 8:a itoivrwv &>€ ^ 'A(/>po8cT^ K(i)/j.aC,oc napa TOV Acowaov en' afaOw riyc 'Affcac;.. An accurate modern English translation by Bernadotte Perrin goes,. Though she received many letters of summons both from Antony 104—.

(14) NORTH'S PLUTARCH AND SHAKESPEARE himself and from his friends, she so despised and laughed the man to scorn as to sail up the river Cydnus in a barge with gilded poop, its sails spread purple, its ro\vers urging it on with silver oars to. the sound of the flute blended with pipes and lutes. She herself reclined beneath a canopy spangled with gold, adorned like Venus in a painting, while boys like Loves in paintings stood on either side and fanned her. Likewise also the fairest of her servingmaidens, attired like Nereids and Graces, were stationed, some at the rudder-sweeps, and others at the reefing-ropes. Wondrous odours from countless incense-offerings diffused themselves along the river-banks. Of the inhabitants, some accompanied her on either bank of the river from its very mouth, while others went down. from the city to behold the sight. The throng in^the market-place gradually streamed away, until at last Antony himself, seated on his tribunal, was left alone. And a rumour spread on every hand that Venus was come to revel with Bacchus for the good of Asia.. When we compare the Greek original with North's version, it is clear that North's description is more interesting. It is far more vivid and picturesque. Probably North made an effort for that. For example. North often inserts his own commentary. Ac6wao^' (Dionysus) and "Epw<; " (Eros) were turned into the god Bacchus" and " god Cupide. Ypa(/):K£'; S.aTtsp AippoScTTy" (like Aphrodite in a painting) was rendered into like the goddesse Venus, comonly drawen in picture." In these cases, North probably attempted to make the original more understandable for the common readers of his age. And the word " Nfjp-fjcê'; " (Nereids) was commented on and became the nymphes Nereides (which are the mermaides of the waters)." As J. Dover Wilson puts it,42) Amyot had already inserted his own commentary to the word as fees." From the fact, it is certain that North objected to Amyot's word " fees (fairies), and changed it into mermaides of the waters." North's emendation here really enhances the beauty of the ladies. These insertions and emendations are blamable from the point of view of a scholarly accurate translation. But North's added commentary makes the description more interesting than in the original or Amyot's version. Again the original " a! p.ev Trpoe" olaîv, al Se Trpo? K(XÔS<; ^ffav " (Some were at the rudder-sweeps, and others at the reefing-ropes) becomes in North some stearing the helme, others tending the tackle and ropes of the barge." By the inserted words " stearing " and " tending," the scene is exceedingly vivified. And, " srr' ara6w T^C 'Aalac; " (for the good of Asia) becomes in North " for the generall good. of all Asia." Here the description is intensified by the added adjectives "generall" —105-.

(15) TAKESHI OGATA and " all.". In North's translation, repetitious additions are conspicuous. For example, the original phrase TTROC oc'.ôv a.p.a. aupcYî nai Kcftdpaci: auvffpfj.oap.ivov " (to the flute. blended with pipes and lutes) is changed into after the sound e of musicke of flutes, howboyes, citherns, violls, and such other instruments as they played vpon. in the barge." Perhaps North made this addition for the purpose of emphasizing the gorgeousness of the scene. I do not think the description here is much im-. proved. But it is evident that North sought to give more richness and variety to the original. And the original " .-cacSs': 8s rofc rpa(f>cKoe<: "Epwffcv stK.aap.evoc Tcap' eKdvspov eavSrs<;. eppcTtcôv " (boys portrayed like Loves fanned standing on either side) becomes in. North " pretie faire boyes apparelled as painters doe set forth god Cupide, with litle fannes in their hands, with the which they fanned wind vpon her." In Noth's version, the boys are beautified by the added epithet " pretie faire." They are made to have " litle fannes " In their hands. They did not merely fan," but they "fanned wind vpon her." These repetitious additions may be somewhat gratuitous.. But in here also we know that North tried to make the description more magnificent and picturesque. In a way I think he fairly succeeded in it. There is another example. In the original, "wondrous odours from countless incense-offerings diffused themselves along the river-banks." In North's version, it becomes ; " there came a wonderfull passing sweete sauor of perfumes, that perfumed the wharfes side." Then North inserted a phrase thus the wharfes side, pestered with innumerable multitudes of people." The imaginative and metaphoric addition, " postered with," is very vivid and effective. It heightens the wonder of the people. Again, the original " a^To? o 'Avr-'wcoi; ... aKs.^.slÔ-f] IJ.OVQ^ " (Antony himself ... was. left alone) becomes in North " Anfonius was left post alone." Notice the phrase "post alone." "Post alone" means "quite alone, standing like a solitary post.". The addition changes the original expression of a straightforward fact into a vivid and imaginative description. Along with the device of repetition, other devices such as balanced phrases, antithesis, and alliteration are seen in North's translation. For instance, in the original, Cleopatra was only " adorned" (^.s.K.oap.-rfp.iv'q) like Venus in a painting, whereas in North's version she was apparelled and attired " like the goddess Venus, commonly drawn in picture. The similar devices are also seen in other phrases such as tackle and ropes, " with the which they fanned wind vpon her, and "a wonderfull passing sweete sauor of perfumes, that perfumed." G. Highet says that " nearly every phrase in North contains something flat, or repetitions,. or clumsy."43) But we must know that by this style North attempted to give richness and variety to the original and combine clarity, grace, and ornament. By the way, this repetitious style seems to be one of the characteristics of North's —106.

(16) NORTH'S PLUTARCH AND SHAKESPEARE prose. I conjecture this is what is considered to be the origin of euphuism. North's. translation of a Spaniard Guevara's Dial of Princes (1557) has been considered as one of the origins of euphuism, which was developed and culminated in Lyly's E'uphues (1580). Here I quote as an example a passage from North's rendering of Guevara's Dial of Princes.. And afterwards all well considered, all examined, and all proved,. I find that the more I eat, the more I die for hunger; the more I drink, the greater thirst I have ; the more I rest, the more I am broken ; the more I sleep, the drowsier I am ; the more I have, the more I covet; the more I desire, the more I am tormented ; the more I procure, the less I attain.44). In North's Plutarch also, we can see similar repetitions and antitheses accompanied by assonance and alliteration. See : " being grown very dissolute and licencious, " in good fame and reputation," " the excellent grace and sweetness of her tongue, ieasts and slents, company and conuersation, " a spurre that pricked to the quick, " some round, some square," that eye could discern, or that ever books could mencion," and so on.. I am not certain whether this style is North's own or from Amyot or the influence of Guevara, because I have not seen Amyot s version or Guevara's book yet. I will ascertain it some day. But having compared North's version with the Greek original, here at least I can say that there are no such repetitions in the Greek. original as are seen in North. Dryden's Life of Plutarch (1683) and Langhorne's Plutarch's Lives (1770) also have no such repetitions. Therefore I think that North was always conscious about his style, imitated deliberately various techniques of expression of foreign authors, and made a style of his own. Anyway in North these repetitions are often attractive, although sometimes they are merely decorative or tautological. As I have said, we must know that by these rhetorical devices North developed the skill and resources of expression of the English language. In fact, as we have seen in his version of Plutarch, North greatly enriched the original, making the description more vivid and picturesque. Furthermore North shows a splendid sense of diction. See North's description of Antony's first meeting with Cleopatra again. He uses, not the word ship, but barge; not odour but savour of perfume. He selects just words for the situation. Mostly he uses vivid and racy native words. They are effective. Yet, vyhen a situation needs, North is not afraid to use borrowed words. "Barge" and "perfume" are good examples. And see the borrowed Latin words in the phrase —107.

(17) TAKESHI OGATA "postered with innumerable multitudes of people." Here the sound of the Latin words in italics are quite fit to the meaning. In addition North's expression is very vigorous, idiomatic, and flexible. Despite the merits we have seen, there are some infelicities in North's passage. It is a fine passage indeed, but it rarely flashes into poetry. Just compare it with Shakespere's corresponding lines, and we are immediately aware that North's or Plutarchs prose is quite amorphous. It is only the beginning of Shakespeare's poetry. Now I will turn to Shakespeare's corresponding passages.. Great poets transform their borrowings into rich poetry, whereas minor poets change them for the, worse. How was it with Shakespeare ? This is a very interesting subject. I want to examine the manner in which Shakespeare treated his source with a view to discovering the techniques by which he transformed North's prose into his own splendid verse.. The following is what Shakespeare made of the description of Antony s first meetsing with Cleopatra in North's Plutarch.. Enobarbus. When she first met Mark Antony she pursed up his heart, upon the river of Cydnus. Agrippa. There she appeared indeed, or my reporter devised well for her. Enobarbus. I will tell you.. The barge she sat in, like a burnisht throne Burned on the water: the poop was beaten gold ; Purple the sails, and so perfumed that The winds were love-sick with them; the oars were silver,. Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke and made The water which they beat to follow faster, As amorous of their strokes. For her own person,. It beggared all description, she did lie In her pavilion, cloth-of-gold, of tissue, O'er-picturing that Venus where we see The fancy outwork nature: on each side her. Stood pretty dimpled boys, like smiling Cupids, With divers-coloured fans, whose wind did seem. To glow the delicate cheeks which they did cool, And what they undid did. Agrippa. 0, rare for Antony! —108—.

(18) NORTH'S PLUTARCH AND SHAKESPEARE Enobarbus. Her gentlewomen, like the Nereides, So many mer maids, tended her i th'eyes,. And made their bends adornings : at the helm A seeming mermaid steers: the silken tackle Swell with the touches of those flower-soft hands,. That yarely frame the office. From the barge A strange invisible perfume hits the sense. Of the adjacent wharfs. The city cast Her people out upon her ; and Antony, Enthroned i'th'market-place, did sit alone,. Whistling to th air ; which, but for vacancy, Had gone to gaze on Cleopatra too, And made a gap in nature.. Agrippa. Rare Egyptian!. At first glance, it seems that Shakespeare followed North closely. For example, compare North's phrases, "the sailes of purple, and the oiuers of sihier, ivhich kept stroke in rowing after the sounde of the musicke of flutes" or "Her ladies and gentleiuomen also, the fairest of them were apparelled like the nymphes Nereides (which are the mermaides of the waters) and like graces " with Shakespeare's corresponding lines. Shakespeare's borrowing is almost verbatim. But Shakespeare was not plagiarizing or paraphrasing. Even in the borrowed passagese we can see that North's rathr longwinded descriptions are changed into succinct and more vivid expressions. See also " O'er-picturing that Venus where. we see/ The fancy outwork nature," "To glow the delicate cheeks which they did cool,/ And what they undid did," and "the silken tackle/ Swell with the touches of those flower-soft hands." In the last sentence, we can hardly say that Shakespeare paraphrased North. In North's passage, "others Care] tending the tackle... of the barge." But in Shakespeare,—what a difference—silken tackle actually. swelled with sheer delight at having been clasped by those flower-soft hands of mermaids. North s description is flat and denotative. Shakespeare's is exuberant and revelatory. Even when Shakespeare borrows North's very words, he uses the words with very appropriate and revelatory epithets of his own, making them richer and more vivid and magnificent. See " The barge... like a burnished throne," " pretty-d impled boys," "seeming mermaid/' " silk en tackle," " flower- soft hands," and "strange invisible perfume.". Furthermore Shakespeare makes his own additions to the original prose. Notice " beggar " in " It beggared all description." This metaphor is almost faded for mo—109—.

(19) TAKESHI OGATA dern readers. It is a commonplace to us, but it was, in Shakespeare's day, startling.. And it was Shakespeare who first attached the metaphorical new meaning to this word. By these additions we can really realize Enobarbus's wonder at seeing Cleopatra s beauty. As for Enobarbus, the character is virtually Shakespeare's invention.. And Enobarbus's conversation with Agrippa in the opening lines beautifully emends the infelicities of the first sentence of North's or Plutarch's prose. The scene becomes much more clear and excites our anticipation. Shakespeare makes Enobarbus tell the appearance of Cleopatra in blank verse.. The blank verse is fit to the subject. In addition, that this ignoble man talks blank verse shows us Enobarbus s rapture over Cleopatra's beauty and gorgeousness. The inversion " Purple the sails " also shows his enthusiasm. Moreover Shakespeare makes Enobarbus talk in hyperboles, such as "The barge ... like a burnisht throne,/ Burned on the water, "The winds were love-sick," flower-soft hands," and the like These hyperbolic expressions seem to be too imaginative for Enobarbus, but these too show us Enobarbus's enthusiasm for Cleopatra's beauty. So it is superb artistry to give this rapturous account of Cleopatra to the cynical Enobarbus. It heightens Cleopatra's beauty. Moreover Enobarbus's rapturous account diffuses a tone of luxury and sensuousness. It is exuberant, heightened and harmonized also by alliteration and assonance. For example, the nobleness and gorgeousness of Cleopatra's barge is enhanced by the assonance of barge, bnrnisht, burned. See also the related sequence of sounds, poop, purple, perfumed, and ivater, follow jasfer, fancy outwork nature. These redundant syllables, however, are not exploifc-. ed merely for the indulgence in rhetorical embellishments. They are inseparably related to the meaning, and to the atmosphere of the scene. So they harmonize the verse. Thus they make us feel strongly the dignity, beauty, and gorgeousness of the great Queen. And in Shakespeare, Cleopatra herself participates in this scene actively. See : in Shakespeare, Cleopatra " did lie/ In her pavilion," while in North, " she was layd under a pavillion " passively. The entranced Agrippa's pause in speech also makes us realize Cleopatra's wonderful beauty and gorgeousness. Shakespeare embellishes North's prose into far more dense and rich beauty. And his description is fully matched to the psychological workings of a character's mind.. What is more remarkable are the additions which Shakespeare makes in the following verse.. 9^T barge she sat in, like a burnisht throne Burned on the water : the poop was beaten gold ;. Purple the sails, and so perfumed that The luinds zoere love-sick with them; the oars were silver,. Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke and made —110-.

(20) NORTH'S PLUTARCH AND SHAKESPEARE The water which they beat to folloiu faster, As amorous of their strokes.. And North's or Plutarch's flat and long last two sentences are transformed into. The city cast Her people out upon her ; and Antony, Enthroned i'th'market-place, did sit alone,. Whistling to th'air ; which, but for vacancy, Had gone to gaze on Cleopatra too, And made a gap in nature.. The phrases in italics are Shakespeare's additions. In them is shown that his imagination projects itself into inanimate things and impassions them. The inanimate is felt as animate. The winds fall in love with the sails of the barge Cleopatra sits in. The water beat by silver oars follows faster, as if amorous of the strokes of oars. The very air of the city, whose inhabitants had aU gone out to gaze on Cleopatra, is represented as eager to go and gaze upon her too. It would have gone to gaze on her but for the gap it would have left in nature. Here Cleopatra is the greatest of enchantresses. The intoxication of sex breathes from her. Hypnotic is the word for this woman. She attracts every thing. These additions we have seen are, as M. Murry points out, " essentially similes and metaphors... And in them, the successive elements—the winds, the water, the air—are represented all succumbing to the enchantment of love which breathes from the great Queen and her burning barge; and by this varied return on a single motive North's inconsequential panorama is given an organic unity."45) Really. in Shakespeare all the added images are used not in isolation, but they are subtly related to one another. Indeed North secures his effect without the aid of imagery.. By adding picturesque epithets and commentary, he makes the original description more magnificent. But his prose means little more than it says, and it is still amorphous as in Plutarch. In Shakespeare, however, a succession of subtly related images create the pervasive overtones that make the indefinable atmosphere of the scene. They are skillfully woven into a single motive, that is, Cleopatra's enchantment of love. They function organically. By this organic function of imagery, North's or Plutarch's amorphous description is given a beginning and an end, and is given also a far more penetrating new harmony. Thus it becomes poetry of the highest order. Furthermore Shakespeare's added imagery, the water, the winds, the air, which —Ill—.

(21) TAKESHI OGATA at first glance seems only to create the atmosphere of the scene and to describe Cleopatra's beauty and the magnetism that emanates from her, actually effects more than this. As we have seen, in Shakespeare the inanimate are transfigured into the animate, as in the " love-sick " winds and the " amorous " water and air. Here nature itself is transcended into the supernatural. Cleopatra herself, though earthly, is beyond nature. She is a goddess, a Venus, a work of art where "fancy outworks nature." At least, in her, the finite are blended with the infinite, as in. her "Eternity was in our lips and eyes" (I, iii, 35). Likewise the added images of the water, the winds, and the air seen in the description of Cleopatra s first meeting with Antony suggest Cleopatra's vast and infinite love. Of course the. images there are related mainly to the sensuous delights of love. But they actually anticipate the vastness and infiniteness of the all-transcending spiritual love of Cleopatra seen in her second spiritual meeting with Antony at " Cydnus." The dying Cleopatra says, "I am again for Cydnus,/ To meet Mark Antony" (V, ii,. 227-228). In it her thoughts turn back to her first meeting with Antony. And here she feels herself related to the very elements : I am fire and air (V, ii, 288). She feels transmuted into fire and air, triumphantly attaining a rarefied height of sublimated love. Thus the images of the elements achieve their full significance. Shakespeare's added images are not merely beautiful in themselves, but they are also. alchemically correlating. Not only this ; having a recurring relationship to the meaning of the play as a whole, they are very revealing. They produce a harmonious total impression. In Shakespeare each unit is a significant and integral part of larger member, whereas in North or Plutarch it does not have such organic unity.. It is obvious now that Shakespeare did not follow North as closely as he could with the minimum of original effort. On the contrary Shakespeare shows a really wonderful creative genius in the passage we have seen. But we have to remember. that there had been various long efforts till this work of genius became possible. In this sense, Holzknecht is right when he says that Shakespeare's Roman plays are. " a triple collaboration of Plutarch the philosopher-biographer, North the stylist, and Shakespeare the poet-dramatist/'46) And lastly one thing more. North and. Shakespeare really felt Plutarch, the world of true humanity, with that same wonder and delight as Keats first looked into Chapman s Homer. They felt congeniality with Plutarch ; and they were expressing their own true feelings, one in his translation, the other in the story he borrowed. This exploration and expression of true humanity makes their works great and significant. Notes 1) Sir Thomas More, Utopia, ed. Edward Surtz, S. J. (New Haven, 1964), p. 105.. 2) Ibid.. 3) Gilbert Highet, The Classical Tradition (New York, 1957), p. 117. —112—.

(22) NORTH'S PLUTARCH AND SHAKESPEARE 4) Albert C. Baugh, A History of English Language. (New York, 1957), pp. 244-245. 5) More, p. 90. 6) Baugh, p. 245, 7) Karl J. Holzknecht, ed. Sixteenth-Century English Prose (New York, 1954), p. 99. 8) Baugh, p. 248. 9) Holzknecht, p. 297. 10) Holzknecht, p. 298. 11) Holzknecht, p. 412. 12) Holzknecht, p. 44.. 13) Ibid. 14) Holzknecht, p. 230. 15) See Holzknecht, pp. 164-165. 16) See Holzknecht, p. 165. 17) See Baugh, p, 263. 18) Holzknecht, p. 298. 19) Holzknecht, p. 165. 20) Holzknecht, p. 164.. 21) See E. M. W. Tillyard, The Eliwbethan World Picture (London, 1943), chapter 2. 22) Holzknecht, p. 336. 23) Paul Turner, ed. Selected Lives from the Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans compared together. by that grave learned Philosopher and Historiographer Phitarch of Chaeronea : translated out of Greek into French by James Amyot and out of French into English by Thomas North (Carbondale, 1963), ix. 24) Turner, Vol. I, p. 281. 25) Holzknecht, p. 37. 26) See P. S. Alien, " The Birth of Thomas North," EHR, (1922), 565-566. 27) Holzknecht, p. 334, 28) Turner, xii.. 29) Ibid. 30) Turner, xiii.. 31) Ibid.. 32) C. F. Tucker Brooke, ed. Shakespeare's Plntarch (New York, 1909), xvii.. 33) Richard Chenevix Trench, Plutarch, His Life, His Lives and His Morals (London, 1873), p, 50. 34) Holzknecht, p. 343. 35) Holzknecht, p. 337. 36) See Turner, xxi. 37) John M'iddleton M'urry, " North's Plutarch," in The Countries of the Mind, Second Series (London, 1931), p. 91. 38) Murry, pp. 95-96. 39) See Murry, pp. 92-94. 40) Ezra Pound, Selected Poems, ed. with an introduction by T. S. Eliot (London, 1948), pp. 14-15. 41) Murry, p. 85. 42) See J. Dover Wilson, ed. Antony and Cleopatra (Cambridge, 1950), p. 166.. 43) Highet, p. 214. 44) Quoted in W. J, Courthope, A History of English Poetry, Vol. II (London, 1897), p. 187. 45) John Middleton Muiry, Metaphor," in Shakespeare Criticism 1919-1935, ed. Anne Bradby Ridler (London, 1936), p. 237. 46) Holzknecht, p. 334.. Bibliography Alien, P. S. " The Birth of Thomas North," EHR (1922), 565-566. Baugh, Albert C. A History of English Language. New York, 1957. Brereton, Geoffrey. A Short History of French Literature. Baltimore, 1954. 113—.

(23) TAKESHI OGATA Castiglione, Baldesar. The Book of the Courtier, trans. Charles S. Singleton. New York, 1959. Clemen, Wolfgang H. The Development of Shakespeare's Imagery. London, 1951. Courthope, W. J. A History of English Poetry. Vol II. London, 1935. Croll, Morris W. Style, Rhetoric, and Rhythm, ed. J. Max Patrick et al. Princeton, 1966. Dryden, John, trans. The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans, rev. Arthur Hugh Clough. New York, 1932. Goddard, Harold C. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago, 1951. Granville-Barker, Hartley and G. B, Harrison, ed. A Companion to Shakespeare Studies, New York,. 1934. Halliday, F. E. The Poetry of Shakespeare's Plays. London, 1954. Highet, Gilbert. The Classical Tradition. New York, 1957. Holzknecht, Karl J. Sixteenth-Century English Prose. New York, 1954. Knight, G. Wilson. The Imperial Theme. London, 1954. Langhorne, John and W. Langhorne, trans. Plutarch's Lives. London, 1770. Lewis, C. S. English Literature in the Sixteenth Century. London, 1954. Brooke, Tucker, ed. Shakespeare's Plutarch. New? York, 1909. More, Sir Thomas. Utopia, ed. Edward Surtz, S. J. New Haven, 1964, Muir, Kenneth. Shakespeare's Sources. London, 1957. IVIurry, John Middleton. The Countries of the Mind, Second Series. London, 1931. Plutarch. Plutarch's Lives, Vol. IX : Demetrius and Antony; Pyrrhus and Caius Marius ; ed. T. E. Page et al., with an English Translatien by Bernadotte Perrin. London, 1920. Pound, Ezra. Selected Poems, ed. T. S. Eliot, London, 1948. Ridler, Anne Bradby, ed. Shakespeare Criticism 1919-1935. London, T936. Shakespeare, William. Antony and Cleopatra, ed. Harold Newcomb Hillebrand. New York, 1926, Shakespeare. Antony and Cleopatra, ed. M. R. Ridley. Cambridge, Mass., 1954. Shakespeare. Antony and Cleopata, ed. J. Dover Wilson. Cambridge, 1950. The Cambridge History of English Literature. Vol. III. London, 1909. Tillyard, E. M. The Elizabethan World Picture. London, 1943. Trench, Richard C. Plutarch, His Life, His Lives and His Morals. London, 1873. Turner, Paul, ed. Selected Lives from the Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans compared together. by that grave learned Philosopher and Historiographer Plntarch of Chaeronea : translated out of Greek into French by James Amyof and out of French into English by Thomas North. Carboadale,. T963.. —114.

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