椙山女学園大学
Social Movement Participation and Life
Course--A Study of the Sixties Generation in
the U.S.
著者
Tsukada Mamoru
雑誌名
椙山女学園大学研究論集 第１部
号
23
ページ
p113-123
発行年
1992
URL
http://id.nii.ac.jp/1454/00002204/
椙山女学 園大 学研究 論集 第23号 （第1 部）1992
Social Me vement Participation and Life Co
urse:
A Study of the Sixties
）eneration in the u.
s.
Introduction
Mamoru TSUKADA
What has happened to former student activists in various social movements inthe 1960s in the U.
S.? Have they grown up and settled down in mainstreamAmerican society as they have matured
？ Or have they continued to commit them-selves to the basic values they proposed in their youth ？ What are the currentsituations
of the former student activists ？ These are questions this paper attemptsto answer
。
Leaders of social movements are visible in the mass media 。 For example, TomH:ay
den (1988) ，the first president of S]DS (Students for a Democratic Society ，a
national organization for student activists in the ]L960s in the U. S) ，wrote amemoir and reflected on
his experiences as a student activist. He has been
politi-cally active and has become the councilman for the Stateof California. It is in ● 4 九- ∼
teresting to focus on a leader of the social movement and discuss the Sixties
gen-eration from his viewpoint ［Tsukada, ］L991）.However, Tom Hayden as a leader ofthe national organization of
student activists is different from activists in the rankand file.
He may not represent トlundreds of activists who ran mimeographmachines,
made phone calls, painted placards and collected donations （Kessler,1990: 7
単
This paper traces the fate of former student activists in various social move-ments.The paper will discuss the relationship between social movement participa-tion and its later influence on student activists
’life course. Secc
nd, the paperattempts to describe common patterns of persistence and change, and dilemma of
former student activists' personal choice and their resolution. This descriptiondraws upon recent in-depth interview studies of former
student activists. In theend,
the paper will discuss the legacy of the Sixties generation in the light of thecontemporary American society.
Image of the Former Student Activists
The prevailing popular image of Sixties activists is that they “sold outグ"gaveup" or “settled down".Such an image has become a key element in the pervasive
Mamoru TSUKADA
cynicism ，depoliticization, and privatism of the contemporary American society(Whalen and Flack, 1989: 3).
By referring to Jerry Rubin ， the fun-loving anarchistof the Sixties who became the money grubbing stock broker of the eighties， theconventional
wisdom says that privileged young people wil ド‘… …sow their wildoats but ultimately settle down to become
pillars of the established order” (Kessler，1990:
1). It happened to e'^ 一Rampart editors Peter Collier and )avid Horowitz ，theauthr
rs of Destructive )eneration (1989) ，now unabashed right-wing apologists.The media also tells us it has happened to almost everyone.
A 1978 u. sト ＼emsand World
Re ）ort states／Many former radicals or dropouts have become entrep-reneurs
。A popular T.V ・program 60 Minutes also reported that there seemed tobe
little counterculture at Berkeley any longer (Kessler ，1990: 2).
T ‰above image fits the oft-heard maxim, “He who is not a radical at twentyhas
nc heart; he who is still radical at forty has no head, ”which nicely expressesthe prevailing folk wisdom concerning the inevitable fate of youthful idealism and
activism. There are three distinct hypotheses implied in this expression: matura-tion, disillusionment andco-o ptation:
First, while youthful activisin is made possible by the relative freedoiTiyouth have in their daily lives,
c nee 止e constraints of abult.life are ex-perienced such activism
must necessarily give way to the demands of
livelihood ，family and ho usehold 。Secc nd, 轟e naive re mantic hopes ofsocial tranformation to which youth are prone lead to disillusionment,
and that such disillusionment is the inevitable outcome of commitmentto changing
出e world. Finally, co-optation is inescapable: while youthnaively believe that life
can be led in terms of purity and self-sacrificeand deny that they can be tempted by opportunities for fame, status,power,
and comfort sooner or later they will succumb to these tempta-tions
。(Whalen and Flacks 丿984ご:61)
Continuity among Former Student Activists
Recently several systematic follow-up studies regarding former student activistshave been co
nducted. Findings in these studies indicate continuity of the former
● ● ● ●
student activists as a distinct group・
Two steps of follow-up studies of the 1960s on civil rights activists and two con-trol groups (Fendrich and Tarleau, 1973; Fendrich 1974; Fendrich
1977; and Fen-drich and Lovoy
，1988)were conducted. This research builds Mannheim's theoryof political generations. The
data support Mannheim's theory of distinctive in-tragenerational units who
are agents of social change. Mannheim argues 止atgenerational differences
are not a direct function of age or biology but of major
Social Movement Participation and Life Course
political and social events occurring during young adulthood (ages 18
-25). He con-tends that there can be different intragenerational units within the
same agecohort. Subgroups within the
same age cohort cultivate the materials of their com- ● ● ● ● ●
● ● ● mon experiences m different yet specific ways, constituting separate mtragener
ational units.Generational replacement becomes one
of the major engines of socialand politica 卜change as distinctive intragenerational units mature (Mannheim,
1952and Fendrich and Lovoy ， 1988: 780) ・
The first study reported on long-range consequences of student political activ
- ＝ism. Three groups
were selected:(1)former civil rights activists, (2)student gov-ernment members, and (3)apoliticcal undergraduates.F
○rmer civil rights activistsshowed different characteristics from the other two groups
・ O ccupationally
，the former activists were heavily concentrated in 止e knowledgeand human service
occupation, while members of the former government groupand the
apolitical group were concentrated in the private sector of the
ec( nomy.The limited ranges of occupation pursued by activists showed their political com-mitments as well as a Preference for the type of work activity
・ P o l i t i c a l l y ， a c t i v i s t s p a r t i c i p a t e d m i n s t i t u t i o n a l a n d n o n - m s t i t u t i o n a l p o l i t i c s ， w i t h a d i s t i n c t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n s e t t i n g t h e m a p a r t f r o m t h e o t h e r t w o g r o u p s . T h e a c t i v i s t s i d e n t i f i e d t h e m s e l v e s a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y a s r a d i c a l s a n d l i b e r a l s w h i l e t h e o t h e r g r o u p s w e r e m o d e r a t e s a n d c o n s e r v a t i v e s i n e a r l y 1 9 7 0 s { F e n d r i c } a n d T a r -l e a u ， 1 9 7 3 ) 。 T h e s e c o n d f o l l o w - u p s t u d y o f t h e s a m e g r o u p a t t w e n t y - f i v e y e a r s a f t e r l e a v i n g c o l l e g e w a s c o n d u c t e d . T h e f i n d i n g s w e r e c o n s i s t e n t w i t h 止 e f i r s t f o l l o w - u p s t u d y . T h e r a d i c a l s w e r e m e r e p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e o n e v e r y d i m e n s i o n e x c e p t V o t i n g a n d P a t r i o t i s m . T h e y w e r e m e r e a c t i v e e s p e c i a l l y i n p o l i t i c a l p r o t e s t . T h e y w e r e a l s o m e r e a c t i v e o n t h e t h r e e i n s t i t u t i o n a l d i m e n s i o n s o f p o l i t i c a l b e ] ト l a v i o r : l o c a l c o m - ● ● ● ● ● ● e e e m u n i t y p o l i t i c s , p a r t y a n d p o l i t i c a l c a m p a i g n w o r k , c o m m u n i c a t i n g a n d t r y i n g t o p u r s u a d e o t h e r s t o v o t e . T h e y s c o r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y h i g h e r o n t h e c o m p l e t e - a c t i v i s m m e a s u r e ( F e n d r i c h a n d L o v o y ， 1 9 8 8 : 7 8 2 ) 。 A s i m i l a r f o l l o w - u p s t u d y o f 轟 e 1 9 6 0 s a c t i v i s t s w a s c o n d u c t e d w i 轟 r e g a r d t o t h e F r e e S P e e ( 玉 M o v e m e n t a r r e s t e e s a t B e r k e l e y ( w h o w e r e o p e r a t i o n a l l y d e f i n e d a s t h o s e a r r e s t e d i n t h e S p r o u l ト l a l l s i t - i n i n 1 9 6 4 ) i n c o m p a r i s o n w i 止 s t u d e n t g o v - e r n m e n t m e m b e r s a n d t h e c a m p u s c r o s s s e c t i o n g r o u p . I n t e r m s o f p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s f r e e s p e e c h a r r e s t e e s c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e m s e l v e s a s m o r e l i b e r a l a n d e x p r e s s e d s t r o n g a p p r o v a l o f t h e m o v e m e n t r e l a t i v e t o t h e o t h e r t w o g r o u p s . S t u d e n t g o v e r n - m e n t m e m b e r s w e r e s o m e w h a t m o r e l i b e r a l t h a n t h e c r o s s s e c t i o n g r o u p 。 F r e e s p e e c h m o v e m e n t a r r e s t e e s a l s o s h o w e d d i f f e r e n t c l i a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n c c c u p a - t i o n a l c h o i c e a n d t h e l e v e l o f i n c o m e f r o m t h e o t h e r t w o g r o u p s . T h e m o v e m e n t a r r e s t e e s t e n d e d t o b e p r e d o m i n a n t l y i n t h e s o c i a l s e r v i c e a n d c r e a t i v e c c c u p a t i o n s a n d w e r e u n d e r - r e p r e s e n t e d i n e d u c a t i o n a n d p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e . T h e s t u d e n t g o v -115 −
Mamoru TSUKADA
ernment members were the most likely to be in private practice, while students in
the cross section were over-represented in private industry. The income levelmovement arrestees attained was substantially loA
＼er than that of the other twogroups (Nassi，1981: 758)。
Findings in these two follow-up studies of the former student activists are con-sistent with other follow-up studies (Jennigs
ス987 and Marwell, Aiken ，and De-mera
止Ill, 1987). The findings basically support Mannheim's theory of politicalgenerations.
This means that twenty years after leaving college, the former studentactivists still kept
the political commitments which they developed through parti-cipation m social movement m their youth.
Participation m student protest was apowerful socialization experience for the former student activists. so they werelikely to take different paths
from t;トle rest of their generation. They did not growout of their political commitments. Their radicalism has nonetheless waned overthe intervening
years ， and they seemed less resolved that change occurs only out-side of the political system. The
professional commitments that allow creative
ex-pression and human service may serve as an outlet for their social convictions 。Although
as adults they are less likely to engage in acts of collective protest than
they were as college students as well as more conventional dimensions of politicalbehavior
，they are clearly more involved than their nonactivist adult peers (DeMar-tini, 1983: 208).
Social yovement Participation and Life Course
So far it has been argued that the former student activists still keep the politicalfaith formed in their
college years.The follow-up studies discussed. ]however ，havefailed to describe
the process of their life course after their parti雨3ation in socialmovements.
As individuals the former student activists experienced differentphases of persistence and changes as dilemmas.Drawing on two case studiesbased upon in-depth interviews wi
止former activists, the common patterns ofchange,
persistence, and dilerrima expressed by the former student activists will bedescribed.
Freedom Summer
Freedom summer project was spearheaded by 止e Student Non-Violent Coordi-nating Committee (SNCC),
the project lasted less than three mon 止s丿rom Juneuntil late August
， in 1964.During that time. more than 1,000 people, the vastmajority of
them white, Nor 止em college students, journeyed to the South to workin
one of the forty-four local projects that comprised the overall compaign. Tトleirdays were
taken up wi 止a variety of tasks, principally registering black voters andteaching in so-called Freedom S(
血oolsDN4:cAdam ，1988: 今T 恥s study
Social Movement Participation and Life Coutse
ducted between August 1984 and July 1985 with forty volunteers being
inter-viewed and another forty no-show^s ， who did not come to Mississippi after attend-ing the project orientation,
were selected at random from among all of the appli-cants.
The purpose of this research was to fully understand the dramatic changesexperienced by the volunteers between Freedom Summer and now (McAdam,1988:
5).
The Freedom Summer project was an audacious undertaking demanding cour-age and confidence on the part of planners and participants alike. The volunteers who finally decided to participate in the Freedom Summer project were special groups in the unique social and historical context of American society. Moch of
the self-assurance and confidence displayed by the volunteers were attributed totheir family background, upper or middle class
， the sons and the daughters of theprivileged families.
They also belonged to baby boom generation who enjoyed thepostwar economic prosperity. The combination of these
advantages made them un-iquely optimistic about the future (McAdam ，1988: 13)。
National political leaders were supportive of liberalism and historical events
occurred to race relations in American society. John F 。Kennedy in particular rep-resented the best example of a politician whose liberalism encouraged youth toactivism. At the same time. in 1960 SNCC had been
born of the same mix of optimism and idealism that the volunteers now embodied. The momentous 1954
Brown decision declared segregated educational facilities to be inherently unequal.
A series of successful mass challenges to Jim Crow such as the bus boycotts inMontgomery and other places
were organized and achieved success.
Those applicants who finally made it to Mississippi were an interesting and veryspecial group.They were advantaged and relatively free from adult
responsibilities・Academically
they numbered among the best and brightest of their generation.]Re-fleeting their privileged class background as well as the prevailing
mood of the era, the volunteers held to an enormously idealistic and optimistic view of thewor
にThey shared a sense
of efficacy about their c wn actions. The arrogance ofyouth and the privileges of class was combined with the mood of the
era to givethe volunteers an
inflated sense of their specialness and general potency. Thevolunteers were already
linked to the civiトrights community (McAdam ，1988: 65)
・This
description of former student activists is also consistent wi 止those of the
“liberated generation ” (Flacks，1967)and volunteers in Vietnam Summer (Kenis-ton ，1968)・
In the orientation for Freedom Summer project ， the applicants were fascinatedby SNCC veterans' talk about their experiences in the civil rights movement in
the
South 。The orientation sessions also reinforced a sense of identification, later cal-led
，“countercuture ”. For many, the legions
of reporters and television cameramenswarming over
the campus had an effect. Their presence communicated a sense
of
Marnoru TSUKADA
“history-making ” significance that was intoxcicating. These feelings were co m-bined wi 止their sense of political mission to realize justice in the u. s.[McAdam,1988: 61-7]
ノ)。
Through participation in Freedom Sumrner in the South, volunteers experiencedboth
personal transformation and political radicalization. The volunteerss becamemore political as a result of their experiences in Mississippi. The sc urces of thisradicalization can be
attributed to the existence of the "colored only ”drinkingfountains and KKK billboards and 止e poverty of black Mississippi whi{ 玉was partof
the inherent supposedly goodness of America. Also, it was: 止e endemic qualityof official lawlessness and the blatant contradiction it posed to their law and orderupbringings,
more importantly ， the depths of federal complicity in maintainingMississippi's system of segregation co ntributed the volunteers' radicalization[McAdam
／]L988: 127) ノ
Perso nally they were liberated from what 止ey used to be. Freedom Summermoved
出e volunteers in two directions away from various aspects of mainstreamsociety and toward an alternative vision of America and 止emselves 。The summerin Mississippi had put considerable distance between themselves and the privileged
worlds 。The Freedom Summer experience was bound to raise questions and plantdoubts in the minds of the volunteers [McAdam, 1988: ＜]L33)
Returning to the Nor 止, most of the volunteers had every intention of acting onthe personal and political lessons they had learned in Mississippi. The Free speechMr
vement at Berkeley, the first white student demonstration of the 1960s wouldnot have taken place wi 止out personnels who experienced Freedom Summer.Secc
nd, because of the political sophistication learned in Freedom Summer, a:ctiv-ists could see 止e parallels between aggression against blacks in Mississippi andagainst
甫e Vietnamese in Sou 止east Asia war.Its impact was evident in 止eSpring]1965
“teach-ins". 丁he third movement, 止e women's liberation me vementcolud emerge because female
volunteers experienced sexism in 止e civil rightsmovement and the student movement (/cAdam, 1988: 162-]L79 and Evans, 1980) 。
T]トle volunteers in Freedom Summer keep 止eir political fai 止today. Al 止oug}some of 止e volunteers have grown pessimistic about 止e prospects for politicaland
ecc no mic change, 止eir collective comm 辻ment to 止e politics they practiced fif-teen or twenty years ago remains strong (M[cAdam ／1988: 213]
The political and cultural wave has put more and more distance between 止emand mainsteam society wi 止each passing day.][n a sense 止e volunteers areanachronisms. They remained idealists in a cynical age. In 止eir view, it is 止eywho
have kept 轟e fai 止while America トlas lost it.Still, for 血e volunteers, 止ebiographical legacy of the project has not been entirely negative. T トlere is a prideand a strength
to the volunteers 止at owes a great deal to their memories of thatsummer nearly quarter century ago. T]トlat is me re of an affirmation of self 止an
Social Movement ParticiDation and Life Course
most of the rest of their generation will ever know. Remembering Freedom Sum-mer ，the one volunteer expressed his feelings:
The memories of that summer are very important to
犬me becausethey
… …redeem me personally … …(They serve)as a reminder to me
止at 止ere are qualities in me that are wor 止 … …something and thatpeople are capable of quite remarkable things.][
がs the single most en-during
… …moment of my life. I believe in it beyond anything.(McA-dam
／1988: 239-240)
As described above, the volunteers in Freedom Summer became involved in
va-rious social movements and applied t] トleir lessons from Mississippi in the North.Wit]
トloot these
significant real experiences in the South, social movements in theNorth would not have taken place. Even after the political and cultural trend
(玉anged, 止e volunteers still keep thei則)olitical fai侑or commitment to what 止eylearned in
Mississippi wi 轟a social isolation and guilt feeling・
S a n t a B a r b a r d P o i i t i c a l P r o t e s t W h a l e n a n d F l a c k s ( 1 9 8 4 a n d 1 9 8 9 ) c o n d u c t e d i n - d e p t h 丿 i f e 玉 i s t o r y i n t e r v i e w s w i 轟 e i g h t e e n p e o p l e w h o p l a y e d s i g n i f c a n t r o l e s i n s t u d e n t p r o t e s t a c t i o n 浪 轟 e U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a , S a n t a B a r b a r a ( U C S B ) a n d i t s n e i g h b o r i n g y o u t ] ト l c o m - m u n i t y o f I s l a V i s t a d u r i n g t h e 1 9 6 7 - 7 ] L ( 1 9 8 4 : 6 1 ) 。 T h e s c e n e o f A m e r i c a n s o c i e t y o f 1 9 7 0 w a s d i f f e r e n t f r o m t ト a t o f t h e 1 9 6 4 F r e e - d o m S u m m e r a f t e r a c t i v i s t s e x p e r i e n c e d v a r i o u s p r o t e s t a c t i o n s r a n g i n g f r o m 庄 e c i v i l r 縦 h t s m o v e m e n t , t h e s t u d e n t m o v e m e n t ， 轟 e a n t i w a r m o v e m e n t t o t h e w o m e n ブ s l i b e r a t i o n m o v e m e n t . T h e m o r e p o l i t i c i z e d i d e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s o f 庄 e N e w L e f t a d d e d t o 轟 e e m p h a s i s o n p e r s o n a l f r e e d o m a n d s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n i n t h e c o u n t e r c u l t u r e . A c t i v i s t s s h a r e d 庄 e g o a l o f l i v i n g o n e ' s l i f e i n t e r m s o f s e r v i ( e t o t h e c o m m u n i t y , o f o v e r c ( 》 m i n g s e l f - i n t e r e s t a n d c c n s u m e r i s m i n o r d e r t o s u s t a i n ● ● ● ● s ● s 了 ● ● e ● ● i d e n t i f i c a t i o n W l 庄 o p p r e s s e d , a n d o f r e s i s t i n g c o m p l i c i t y W l 庄 o p p r e s s i v e m s i t u - t i o n s b y r e f u s i n g c a r e e r s 庄 a t d e p e n d e d c n c a p i t a l i s t f i r m s a n d i m p e r i a l i s t s t a t e s 。 T h i s i s a t i m e w h e n ] [ s l a V i s t a p r o t e s t t o o k p l a c e . B e t w e e n F e b r u a r y a n d ] [ u n e o f 1 9 7 0 ， ] [ s l a V i s t a e x p e r i e n c e d t ト i r e e v i o l e n t u p r i s i n g s . T h e c o m m u n i t y w a s o c c u p i e d b y N a t i o n a l G u a r d t r o o p s a n d p o l i c e S W A T t e a m s . O v e r 9 0 0 p e o p l e w e r e a r r e s t e d . A s t u d e n t w a s k i l l e d b y p o l i c e g u n f i r e . S c o r e s o f p e o p l e w e r e i n j u r e d . T h e u n i - v e r s i t y w a s f o r c e d t o b e t e m p o r a r i l v c l o s e d . O b s e r v i n g 庄 i s s o c i a l s c e n e ， f o r m e r I s a l V i s t a a c t i v i s t s f e l t 庄 a t 庄 e i r c o m m u n i t y w a s a m i c r o c o s m o f A m e r i c a a n d t h a t
the nation was c n the verge of a 寸evolutionary. A collective vision of the comingapocalypse was brought
into being. A number of individuals described 止eir
feel-mgs
M ：amoru TSUKADA
In this whole time period ， leading up to the bank burning and the riots.there was a sense that we were all embarking on some path that wasutlimately leading toward
revolution, of whatever nature-and it wasvery undefined.
During all these demonstrations and riots there was asense that revolution was imminent-it was just around the corner, thedownfall of the state was coming (Whalen and Flacks レ1984: 66).
This apocalyptic vision had profound consequences for how the former activistsconceived their direction in
the future. New Leftists came to believe that there would be no future ， but revolution would be the future.
However, the apocalypse did not come. h became evident that revolution wasnot
around the corner or anywhere in sight and that a totalistic revolutionary post-ure served only to heighten the New Left's isolation. Here are characteristics ofthe ways the respondents in this study came
to understand the problem:
l finally realized there wasn't social revolution going on ， and that therewasn't going to be one,
when l looked at a Gallup Poll in the
newspap-er and l realized that l was part of what was only a 10% that couldeasily be
ignored or eliminated (Whalen and Flacks ／1984: 69-70)。
O ne response was to withdraw from politics and the seemingly insurmountabledilerninas created by political engagement.C ne of the respondents put it:
l felt tremendously burned out, tired of the whole thing. It's like,there's no way
that you could do any more. I guess 'cause we had doneso much
… …we didn't really have anything that we could put our fin-ger
on and say “Okay, 止is is what we've accc mplished." It was justlike we'd run a race it was finished and that was it (Whalen and Flacks,1984: 70).
The various ^withdrawals took place in the months immediately following the
bank-burning trial in 1970-7 1. At that point ， however ，most of the activist samplewere still seeking collective. politicized solutions to the intertwined personal andpolitical
crises they had come to recognize. The largest and most self-aware groupof the movement activists to embark on post-student protest activism was thefeminist movement
。 A second kind of collective experiment was the creation of
“alternative institutions” to work for the interests of activists 。 A third effort tomesh vocation
and politics was “radicals in the professions,”which could help re-constitute professional identities along morally accountable and politically engaged
Social Movement Participation and Life Course
lines. A final form of “collective experiment ” that emerged during this period wasthe establishment of a disciplined cadre organization
， a “new communist move-ment
”(Whalen and Flacks ， 1984: 72-73)。
These collective experiments of the early seventies were entered into in the hopethat they could provide long-term vehicles for integrating personal needs and
poli-tical commitment. However ，by the mid-seventies ， many participants had begun tofind collective experiments inadequate. Tensions between collective demands andpersonal identity began to
resurface. By the second half of the decade ， most of therespondents who are still politically active can be seen as entering further phase
ofpost-movement development: a turning toward more individualized forms of
activ-ity and toward m ○re stable vocation and career path.
One reason for this shift was economic 。 As the seventies wore on ， however.vocational insecruity became an
increasing preoccupation for most of these men
and women as expressed by the phrase ドliving from hand to mouth ”. As
one re-spondent put it:
After five years l had never made enough money
living on the edge. ［was tired of it］
（Whalen and Flacks ，1984: 7貼
a tension that was inherent in 轟
- 121 −
we were always It was always a struggle
Such demoralizing effects of economic insecurity were seriously compounded bytensions that were built into this kind of political activity.It was difficult to feelthat the routine ， day-to-day legal work of the collective was having a significantpolitical effect.In addition,
in the absence of a national or organizational structurecapable of
linking these local efforts to larger political strategies， to resources. andto a sense of historical impact
， many veterans of the sixties felt an increasing pes-simism about with the possibility of realizing the dreams and hopes that had justi-fied the sacrifices and risks they
had taken 。
Thus, the veterans of stodent activism spent their post-student years in what canbe best understood as an ongoing straggle to resolve the tension between self-sacrifice and self-fulfillment
，between personal autonomy and social responsibility,
e socialization experience of the movement and r● 嗜 a 哺 一一一.｀ 一 ￣
the counterculture. It has been difficult in the 7O's and 8O's， to sustain such politic-al projects in a national climate of
economic crisis and conservative retrenchmentand in a society which lacks a well-established and national relevance to activistvocations
(Whalen and Flacks, 1984: 76).
Conclusion
Mamoru TSUKADA
media and negated the image as falsely constructed in the readionary andcon- servative times of the 1970s and 1980s in the united States by referring to recent soclal sclence studles on former student actlvlsts m varlous soclal movements.
Brieflyjt is argued that the forrnerstudent activists are distin 出y different from the rest of their generation in terms of Political orientatiOnand values as well as
occuPational choice and the income level. They still keeP Political fai 止in what they believed in their youth although they are less active in Political actiOnS.
ThiSPaPeraISO トl
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