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Rethinking the Political Economy of

"Developmentalism"

著者 ESHO Hideki

出版者 法政大学経済学部学会

journal or

publication title

The Hosei University Economic Review

volume 67

number 3・4

page range 1‑16

year 2000‑03‑30

URL http://doi.org/10.15002/00002691

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RethinkingthePoliticalEconomyof

“DevelopnlentalisIn,,

HidekiEsho

Introduction

“Developmentalism,,isthetermthatthelateProfMurakamicre-

atedtoexplainthemiraculousdevelopmentalexperiencesoftheEast Asiancountries,includingJapan(Murakamil996).Hedefinesthe developmentalismas“aneconomicsystemthattakesasystemofpri‐

vatepropertyrightsandamarketeconomyasitsbasicframework,

butthatmakesitsmainobjectivetheachievementofindustrializa‐

tion,andinsofarasitisusefulinachievingthisobjective,approves governmentinterventioninthemarketfromlong-termperspective,'、

Alsohestatesthat“developmentalismisapolitical-economicsystem establishedwiththestateasitsunit,,,anditis“thetheory,orpolicy,

ofindustrializationfromthestandpointofnationalismandisthusan advancedformofmercantilismortheviewheldbytheGermanhis‐

toricalschool"・Acceptinghisbasicideas,Iwillnowredefinetheterm

"developmentalism”toinvolve:“thosegovernment-ledindustrializa‐

tionstrategieswhichaimtoconstructanindependentnationalecon‐

omy,inordertocatch-upwiththedevelopedcountries',、

Inchapterlwepresentanoverviewofthemainpillarsofthe earlydevelopmentalismthathadprevailedinl950sand60sThein-

dustrialstrategythatwasadvocatedduringthiserawastoaimfor

"theinternalizationofthepecuniaryexternaleconomies"・

Inchapter2wepresentanoverviewofthenewdevelopmentalism thatwasconstructedbythemiraculousindustrialexperiencesofthe

(3)

EastAsiancountrieswhichbeginninginthel970sThenewdevelop‐

mentalismischaracterizedbythecombinationofthepositivein‐

terventionofthegovernmenttothemarketandanauthoritarian politicalregime、

Inchapter3wecomparetheearlyversionofdevelopmentalism withthatofthenewversiontofindoutboththecommonthreadsand differences、Doingsqwewillfindoutitisnottheauthoritarianpoliti‐

calregimebutthecreationofasocio-economicsystemtoensure highlyproductiveandcheaplaborthatisthecrucialfactorforthe successfuldevelopmentalism.

LTheMainPillarsoftheEarlyDevelopmentalism

l-1EconomicsoftheEarlyDevelopmentalism

Earlydevelopmentalismisrepresentedbythe“structuralist',ap‐

proachtodevelopmenteconomics・Thatisthedevelopmenteconom‐

icsconsistsofmainlyfourhypotheses,namely,(a)supplyconstraint,

(b)exportpessimism,(c)marketfailure,and(d)late-industrial‐

ization

Thesupplyconstrainthypothesisisbasedontheideathatdefi‐

cienciesofsupplysidefactorshampertheeconomicdevelopmentof developingcountries、Amongothersthestructuralistsstressedthe scarcityofcapital,namelysavingsandinvestment,Theystressed thatthedevelopingcountriescannotdevelopbecauseofcapitalscar‐

city・Foreignexchangeconstraintsandfoodshortagearevariations ofsupplyconstrainthypothesis・

Theexportpessimism,commonlyknownasthePrebish-Singer hypothesis,istheideathattheprimaryexportsdonotleadtoeco‐

nomicdevelopmentofdevelopingcountries・Asaresultofthisidea,

thestructuralistsproposedimport-substitutingindustrializationas thedesirabledevelopmentstrategy・

Themarketfailurehypothesisisbasedonthestructuralisminher‐

itedfromtheKeynesianeconomics(Arndtl985).Thatisthedisbelief

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RethinkingthePoliticalEconomyof“Developmentalism,, inmarketmechanism,sothattheideathattheplanningandtheregu‐

lationsbythecentralgovernmentarenecessaryforeconomicdevel‐

opmentofdevelopingcountries・

Gershenkronpresentedarepresentativeargumentofthelate‐

industrializationmodel(Gershenkronl966).Hedescribedthediffer‐

encesinthespeedandcharacterofindustrialdevelopmentof nineteenthEuropeancountriesaccordingtothedegreeofrelative backwardnessAccordingtohim,themorebackwardthecountry,the morediscontinuousindustrialization,i、e、,“thebigspurt',occurred・

Thatisthehypothesisthatseeksthepossibilityofcatching-upwith themoreadvancedcountriesHestressedthefactthatspecificinstitu‐

tionssuchaslong-termindustrialbankincaseofGermanyandthe stateincaseofRussiaplayedthedecisiverolesforpromotingindus‐

trializationattheearlystageofeconomicdevelopmentTheseinstitu‐

tionsareinnovationsforcatching-upwiththeadvancedcountriesby reducingriskortransactioncostsattheearlystageofeconomicdeveL opmentGershenkronalsostressedthedecisiveroleofideologybased onnationalismforpromotingindustrialization.

l-2DevelopmentStrategyoftheEarlyDevelopmentalism

Theindustrializationstrategyofearlydevelopmentalismisbased onthesefourhypothesismentionedabove、The“balancedgrowth,,

strategyadvocatedbyNurkseand“BigPush,,strategyadvocatedby Rosenstein-Rodanaretypicalexamples、

Nurkseassertedthatforthedevelopingcountriestobreakaway from“viciouscircleofpoverty,'thebalancedgrowthstrategywasa must(Nurksel953).Thebalancedgrowthstrategyisadevelopment strategyaimedat“thetotalexpansionofthemarket,,throughinvest-

mentofcapitalinwidelydifferentindustriesatthesametime・Ac- cordingtoNurkse,thenewlycreatedindustriesatthesametime createdemandsamongeachothersothatthedevelopingcountries canovercometheviciouscircleofpoverty・Hisargumentisanappli‐

cationoftheAdamSmith,sinsightthattheeconomicdevelopment

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canbebroughtbytheexpansionofthemarketanddevelopmentof thedivisionoflabor、However,Nurkse'sargumenthasnottheslight‐

estbeliefinthe“invisiblehand”thatSmithhadBalancedgrowth strategywasagrowthmodelthatpresupposedthecentranyplanned economicsystemunderthestronggovernment・Henotonlypresup‐

posedthatinthedevelopingcountries,themarketmechanismdidnot work,butalsothemarketsystemcouldnotinduceeconomicdevelop

ment・

ThisuniquecombinationoftheSmithianworldofmarketexpan‐

sionandthebeliefinacentrallyplannedeconomicsystemisshared byRosenstein-Rodan,anotherrepresentativefigureofthestructural‐

ism(Rosenstein-Rodanl943).Hisideawassuchthat“thewholeof theindustrytobecreatedistobetreatedandplannedlikeonehuge firmortrust''、Thereasonwhythelargeplannedinvestment(i、e、,the BigPush)isfavorableliesinthefactthatitcreatesthecomplemen‐

tarityofdifferentindustries、Theplannedcreationofsuchacomple mentaritysystemreducestheriskofnotbeingabletosell,and,since riskcanbeconsideredascost,itreducescosts

Hecalledthisas“aspecialcaseofexternaleconomies"・Andhe assertedthat“ifwecreateasufficientlylargeinvestmentunitbyin‐

cludingallthenewindustriesoftheregion,externaleconomieswill becomeinternalprofitsoutofwhichdividendsmaybepaideasily,,.

CorrespondingtoRosenstein-Rodan,sargumentScitovskyfurther clarifiedthemeaningsofexternaleconomies(Schitovskyl954).He stressedthattheconceptofexternaleconomieshasbeenusedintwo entirelydifferentcontexts・Oneoftheseis“technologicalexternal economies''usedinthecontextofequilibriulntheory,definedasexter‐

naleconomiesproducedbythedirectinterdependenceamongeco‐

nomicagentsinthesensethatitdoesnotoperatethroughthemarket mechanism・Technologicalexternaleconomiesexistwheneverthe outputofafirmdependsnotonlyonthefactorsofproductionutilized bythisfirmbutalsoontheoutputandfactorutilizationofanother firmorgroupoffirms.

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RethinkingthePoliticalEconomyof“Developmentalism,, Anotherconceptofexternaleconomiesisthattobeusedinthe contextofthetheoryofindustrializationofunderdevelopedcountries,

wheretheconceptisusedinconnectionwiththespecialproblemsof allocatingsavingsamongalternativeinvestmentopportunities・He calledthistypeofexternaleconomythe“pecuniaryexternalecono‐

mies,',thatincludenotonlydirectornon-marketinterdependence amongproducersbutalsoincludeinterdependenceamongproducers throughthemarketmechanism、Iftherearepecuniaryexternal economiesthentheinvestmentinanindustryleadstoanexpansion ofitscapacityandmaythuslowerthepricesofitsproductsandraise thepricesofthefactorsusedbyit,Theloweringofproductprices benefitstheusersoftheseproducts;theraisingoffactorpricesbene‐

fitsthesuppliersofthefactors、Schitovskyassertedthatifexpansion ofdifferentindustrieswereintegratedandplannedtogether,theprof itabilityofinvestmentineachoneofthemwouldbeareliableindex ofitssocialdesirability.

l-3TheTypicalCaseoftheEarlyDevelopmentalism

Thelndianexperienceofindependencewasapioneeringcasefor manynewlyindependentcountriesandherindustrialstrategywasa glitteringmodelthatcouldbelearntbythethendevelopingcountries・

Themaincharacteristicsofthelndianindustrialstrategyaresumma‐

rizedinthreepoints(Chakravartyl987).

First,Indiaadoptedadevelopmentplanningbasedonthefamous Mahalanobisgrowthmodelthataimstoachievehighereconomic growthinthelongtermpointofviewbypromotingheavyindustry・

ThiswasrealizedastheSecondandtheThirdFiveYearPlans・This

developmentstrategydemandedthecurtailmentofconsumptionfor promotingdomesticsavingsandinvestmentunderthestrongguid anceofthegovernment、TheMahalanobismodeladoptedbasicallya supply-sideviewanditdidnotconsiderdemand-sidebottlenecks・

Secondly,Indiaestablishedamixedeconomysysteminwhichthe publicsectoroccupiedaclearlydominantposition・Thelndustrial

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PolicyStatementinl956demarcatedindustriesintothreecategories,

andallthebasicindustrieswereconductedbythepublicsectorenter‐

prisesOntopofthisstrictregulationsthroughalicensingsystem wereimposedontheprivatesectorwhenprivatesectorcompanies wantedtosetupnewfactory,toexpandtheirproductivecapacity,to manufacturenewproducts,ortochangetheirlocation

Thirdly,Indiaadoptedanimportsubstitutingindustrialization strategy,aimingtoestablishaproductionbaseforthedomesticmar‐

ketbythelndianenterprises

Nehrucalledtheobjectiveforlndia'ssocietyas“thesocialistic patternofsociety,'.India,sdevelopmentstrategywascoloredbyanti‐

colonialismandherindustrialstrategywasatypicalcaseoftheearly developmentalism.

2.TheIndustrializationoftheEastAsianCountriesand

theNewDevelopmentalism

Theneo-classicalapproachhasthoroughlydominatedthedomain ofdevelopmenteconomicssincethel980s,endorsedbyinternational institutionssuchasthelMFandtheWorldBank.Theadvocatesof theneo-classicalapproachassertedthat“marketliberalization,,and

"export-orientation,,arethetwoindispensablefactorsforsuccessful developmentofthedevelopingcountries、However,inthelatterhalf ofthel980s,thereappearedavarietyofcriticismsagainstthevalidity oftheneo-classicalapproachOneofthemostnoteworthytrendswas theemergenceofthenewversionofdevelopmentalism,dependingon themiraculousgrowthexperiencesoftheEastAsiancountries.

2-1ThePoliticalEconomyoftheNewDevelopmentalism

AseriesofJeffrySachs,papersonthecomparativestudiesof structuraladjustmentinLatinAmericancountriesandEastAsian countriesinl980sshowswellthecharacteristicsofthenewdevelop mentalism

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RethinkingthePoliticalEconomyof“Developmentalism', Heexplainedthedifferencesofeconomicperformanceofboth regionsintermsofthedifferencesofexchangerateandtradesystem (Sachsl985).InLatinAmericancountriesgovernmentsallocated borrowedfundstoimport-substitutingsectorandservicesector(non‐

tradables);ontheotherhandEastAsiangovernmentsallocatedbor‐

rowedfundstotradables・Theallocationofresourcesbetweentrad ablesandnon-tradablesdependsontradepolicies,exchangerate management,andaggregatedemandmanagementSachsfurtherar‐

guedthatinEastAsiaitwasruralpoliticalpowerthatsupportedthe export-orientedtradepoliciesanddevaluationOntheotherhand,it wasunionizedurbanworkerswhosupportedovervaluedexchange rates・Heconcludesthatthe“differenceinlabormarketorganization certainlyplaysanimportantroleinthepoliticalcalculus,,.

LookingbackontheEastAsianexperiencesSachsdiscussedthat

"outward-orientedstrategy,,and“marketliberalization,,isnotthe samething(Sachsl987).Hefurtherdiscussedthatasapolicytoolof crisismanagementfordebtburdenedcountries,themarketliberaliza- tionwasnotapropercoursetofollowThiswasbecause:(1)This strategyisnotsupportedhistorically、ThesuccessstoriesofEast Asiancountriesdonotdemonstratetheutilityoftradeliberalization inthemidstofamacroeconomiccrisis.“Stabilization',andthe“liber‐

alization',haveconflictingrequirements.(2)TheEastAsianexperi‐

encesuggeststhatexportpromotionpoliciescanbepursuedbya dirigistegovernment,andeveninthepresenceoftightimportcoL trolsandtightregulationsinthecapitalmarket.(3)TheEastAsian experiencesuggeststhatsuccessfuldevelopmentmightbehelpedas muchbyraisingthequalityofpublicsectormanagementasbyprivat‐

izingpublicenterprisesorliberalizingmarkets.(4)InEastAsian countriesgovernmentspromotedrelativelyequalincomedistribu‐

tions,mostfundamentallythroughpoliciesthatequalizedtherural incomedistributionandthatkepttheurbanruraldifferentialsmuch narrowerthaninotherdevelopingcountriesThisrelativeequalin‐

comedistributioninEastAsiafreedthehandofgovernmentstofocus

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onissuesofefficiency・

AsisclearfromtheargumentsofSachs,thecharacteristicsofthe politicaleconomyofthenewdevelopmentalismliesintheassertion thatontheonehandtheexportorientedstrategyisasvalidtheneo‐

classicalapproachassertedbutontheotherhandthatthestrategies thathaveworkedareessentiallydifferentfromthemarketliberaliza‐

tionstrategy.

2-2IndustrialPolicyoftheNewDevelopmentalism

TheexperiencesofindustrializationintheEastAsiancountries ledtothereassessmentoftheroleofthegovernmentasapromoterof economicdevelopmentlnparticular,alotofattentionhasbeenpaid tothedecisiveroleofindustrialpolicies

InhisbeautifullywrittenpaperProfKomiya,thepioneerofJapa‐

neseindustrialpolicystudies,arguedthatthecontentofindustrial policyinthenarrowsenseshouldbedefinedtothose“interventionsto copewithfailuresinthemarket,orpricesystem,thataffectresource allocation''.Theindustrialpolicyinthenarrowsensemeanspolicies thataffecttheallocationofresourcestoindustry,including(a)items thataffecttheinfrastructureofindustryingeneral,suchastheprovi‐

sionofindustrialsites,roadsandports,industrialwatersupplies,and electricpower;and(b)itemsthataffectinter-industryresourcealloca‐

tion(Komiyal988).Hisdefinitionofindustrialpolicystandsonthe ratherorthodoxneo-classicaltheory,Heclearlystatesthat“fromthe perspectiveofeconomictheory,differingresourceendowmentsor beingalatecomerorundergoingreconstructionfromwardoesnotin itselfconstituteamarketfailure',,sothathedoesnotthink“such itemsinthemselvesprovideacaseforpolicyintervention"・Inother wordsherejectstheuseofindustrialpolicies“tocatchupwiththe industrializednationsortoimprovetheinternationalcompetitiveness ofdomesticindustry''・

Ontheotherhand,ProfMurakami,whotriedtoconstructanti‐

neoclassicalpoliticaleconomy,definedtheindustrialpolicyinterms

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RethinkingthePoliticalEconomyof“Developmentalism,,

oflong-termdynamicpointofview・Heplaceditasacentralpolicy toolofdevelopmentalism、Hedefineditas“attemptstorealizethe advantagesofdecreasingcost',,andstatedthat“theaimofindustrial policyistorestrainexcessivecompetition,ortosustainsufficient competition''・Inconcreteterms,Murakami,sindustrypolicyconsists offourtypesofpolicytools:designationofpriorityindustries;in‐

dustry-specificindicativeplanning,policiestopromotetechnological progress,andregulationofexcessivepricecompetitionAgainhe statesthattheindustrialpolicyisneitherapolicythatincreasesan industry,sgrowthratethroughforcible,governmentinterventionnor ameansofimplementingeconomicplanningRatheritisakindof governmentinterventiontomaintainmarketcompetitionwhencost isdecreasing“Thisneedisparticularlyacuteindevelopingcountries thatareattemptingtocatchupwiththeadvancedcountries,'、

Thedifferencesinthedefinitionsofindustrialpolicyamong scholarsnaturallyleadtothedifferencesintheevaluationofindus‐

trialpolicyTheprototypeofindustrialpolicyisthatofJapanI,sothat thestudyofindustrialpolicyconcentratesontheJapanesecase・How‐

ever,astheideaofindustrialpolicytransmitstotheotherEastAsian countries,thecontentsofindustrialpolicyhavebeenchangedWe canunderstandtheexperienceofJapaneseindustrializationasacase ofalate-comer・However,theexperiencesoftheEastAsiancountries arethatofthelate-late-comersManyargumentspresupposetheho‐

mogeneityofJapaneseindustrializationandtheindustrializationof

theEastAsiancountries,andtheytendtoarguethattheJapanese

industrialpolicyisrepresentativeofEastAsiancountries(Johnson l982;Amsdenl989;Wadel990).Butthisisafalsegeneralization,We 1However,maybethefirstcountrythatusedtheterm“Industrialpolicy,,

wasIndia・Inl9471ndiapromulgatedthefirstlndustrialPolicyResolution lnJapanthetermindustrialpolicywasnotwidelyuseduntilaroundl970s

(Komiyal988).AokisuggeststhatindustrialpolicyisnotaJapaneseinno‐

vationbutthatwartimeprototypewasinspiredbytheplanningmecha‐

nismoftheformerUSSR(Aokil996)Bothcasesshowwellthatthe industrialpolicywasanessentialelementoftheearlydevelopmentalism.

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10

shouldnotmissthebigdifferencesbetweenJapanandtheEastAsian countriesinthecontentsofindustrialpolicyand/ordevelopmen‐

talism、Johnson,forexample,stressesthecontinuityoftheJapanese politicalsystemandthoseofKoreaandTaiwan,namingpostwar Japanasacaseof"softauthoritarianism”andnamingthoseofKorea andTaiwanasacaseof“hardauthoritarianism”or“newcasesofabso‐

lutiststates"・AccordingtoJohnson,Japanhasbeenformallyademo‐

craticnation,butinessenceJapanhasbeenunderasoftauthoritarian rulebecauseJapanhasretained“anextremelystrongandcompara‐

tivelyunsupervisedstateadministration,single-partyruleformore thanthreedecades,andasetofeconomicprioritiesthatseemsunat‐

tainableundertruepoliticalpluralism''(Johnsonl987).Whatapreju‐

dicedview1Unnecessaryworry1Ifhewerecorrect,Independentlndia alsoshouldbeasoftauthoritariancountry、Hereweseeagainan old-fashioneddichotomyofEuropeversusNonEurope(orAsial

The“EastAsianMiracle,,reportbytheWorldBankassertedthat industrialpolicynarrowlydefined,namely,towhichthatwaspromot‐

ingspecificindustries,“wasgenerallyunsuccessful,,inJapan,Korea,

Singapore,andTaiwan(WorldBankl993).Onthisjudgmentofthe WorldBankthereisalotofcriticismandwestilldonothaveanyfirm conclusions、However,tobeginwith,weshouldseekthesignificance oftheindustrialpolicynotinavarietyofinfantindustryarguments butratherintheestablishmentofasharedinformationnetworkbe‐

tweengovernmentandtheprivatesector(Hayamil998).Whether theinformationnetworkbetweengovernmentandtheprivatesector isestablishedornotdeterminesthesuccessorfailureofthegovern- mentinterventionforpromotingspecificindustries.

3.TheEarlyDevelopmentalismandtheNew Developmentalism

3-1CommonCharacteristicsandDifferences

Whatarethecommoncharacteristicsofanddifferencesbetween

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RethinkingthePoliticalEconomyof“Developmentalism'’ 11 theearlyandthenewversionsofdevelopmentalism?Murakami's definitionofdevelopmentalismas“aneconomicsystemthattakesa systemofprivatepropertyrightsandamarketeconomyasitsbasic framework,butthatmakesitsmainobjectivetheachievementofin‐

dustrialization,and,insofarasitisusefulinachievingthisobjective,

approvesgovernmentinterventioninthemarketfromalong-term

perspective,,,itcanapplytobothcases、Bothformsofdevelopmen‐

talismshareastrongeconomicnationalismwhichaimsatattaining anindependentnationaleconomy、Andbothformsofdevelopmen‐

talismpursuedgovernmentguidedeconomicmanagementwhichaim tocatch-upwiththeadvancedcountries・Theoreticallywecansay thatdevelopmentalismstroveforindustrializationthroughforced capitalaccumulationassuminganincreasingreturntheory・Their attitudestowardsdirectforeigninvestmentandforeigntechnology arealsosimilar:aselectiveintroductionbasedondomestictechnology development、Furthermoretheybothsharerigidregulationofbank‐

ingandfinanceandexchangemarkets、

Thenwhatarethedifferencesbetweenthetwo?Themostcon‐

spicuousdifferenceisthatwhiletheearlydevelopmentalismassumes

importsubstitutingindustrializationstrategyasatoolforattaining

independentnationaleconomy,thenewdevelopmentalismassumes anexport-orientedindustrializationstrategyCloselyrelatedtothis aspectisthatalthoughbothofthe、presupposethemarketfailure

hypothesis,thefunctioningoforthewayofinterventionofthegov‐

ernmenttothemarketisdifferent・NotonlyinlndiabutalsoinKorea orTaiwantherewasstrongregulationoffinancialmarketsandthere werestrongindustrialpolicies・However,incaseoflndia,thegovern‐

mentintervenedwiththemarketthroughreplacingtheprivatesector

withthepublicsector,whileinthecaseofKoreaorTaiwan,thegov‐

ernmentguidedandsupplantedtheprivatesector、Suchafundamen‐

taldifferenceofthequalityofgovernmentinterventionsisdeter‐

minedbythefactwhetherthoseinterventionsareestablishedbefore orafter“theneo-classicalresurgence,,.

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12

3-2RelationbetweenlndustrializationandDemocratization Murakamitriedtounderstanddevelopmentalismasauniversal concept,i,e,,an“idealtype,,、Afterdefiningdevelopmentalismas

"apolitical-economicsystemestablishedwiththestateasitsunit,',

Murakamiaddedthat“thusinmanycasessomerestrictionsare

placedonparliamentarydemocracy(suchasamonarchicalsystem,a

one-partydictatorship,oramilitarydictatorship,,、Andhecontrasted thedevelopmentpatternssuchasthoseofJapanortheEastAsian countrieswiththatofAnglo-Americansociety、Hecalledtheformer

"developmentalism,,andthelatter“classicaleconomicliberalism,,、

Thedevelopmentpathoftheformer,accordingtoMurakami,isthat ofindustrializationfirstanddemocratizationlater,Incontrast,the developmentpathofthelatteristhatofdemocratizationfirstand industrializationlater・DeepakLalarguedmuchmoresimplyand straightforwardly、Hestatesthat“acourageous,ruthlessandperhaps undemocraticgovernmentisrequiredtorideroughshodoverthese newly-createdspecialinterestgroups',(Lall983).Alltheseargu‐

mentsarebasedontheexperiencesoftheEastAsiancountriessuch asKorea

Theearlydevelopmentalismassumestheconcentrationofthe powerinthecentralgovernment、Insodoingitpresupposesanom-

nipotent,unselfishorbenevolentgovemment・Ontheotherhandthe newdevelopmentalismpresupposesanefficient,competent,orfar‐

sightedgovernment・Inconcretetermstheformerpresupposesaso‐

cialisticpolitico-economicsystemandthelatterpresupposesanau‐

thoritarianpolitico-economicsystemlnotherwords,bothformsof developmentalismpresupposeagovernmentthatisinsulatedfrom thevestedinterestsAsaresultofthispresupposition,bothformsof developmenatalismassumeastrongorunerringgovernmentthatcan performanautonomouspolicymanagement、

Thenewdevelopmentalismisatrialofuniversalizingthecollec‐

tionoflessonsthatarededucedfromthehistoricalexperiencesof

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RethinkingthePoliticalEconomyof“Developmentalism,, 13 somehighgrowthEastAsiancountriesduringthel970sandl980s,

wheretheauthoritarianpoliticalregimeswereadoptedHowever,as iswellknowntoday,thereisnouniquerelationbetweentheselection ofpolityandeconomicperformance(Przeworski&Limongil993).

Stillmuchless,thereisnosolidgroundtoassertthatanauthoritarian regimeisnecessaryorindispensablefordevelopingcountriestomake successfulindustrialization2、Therearenumerousexamplesofeco- nomicfailureundertheauthoritarianregimes(North1981,Ch3;Bates l988).Inanutshell,theseargumentsofdevelopmentalismpresuppose theassumptionthat"thestronggovernmentdoesnotfail''、Thisisnot ananti-neoclassicalargument,butsimplyapre-neoclassicalargu‐

ment、Whatistobequestionedisnotthechoiceofselectedpolitybut theabilityofgovernmentstogovernandabilityofthegovernmentto formulateandperformcoherentpolicies.

3-3DevelopmentalismandLowWageLabor

Whataretheessentialelementsforsuccessfuldevelopmentalism?

LastlyIconsiderthisissuefocusingjustonthelaborproblem・

Oneofthemostinnovativeconceptsofearlydevelopmentalismis

"disguisedunemployment"・Nurksedefineditasthecaseofalaborer whosemarginalproductoflaboriszero(Nurksel953).Then,hear‐

gued,thegovernmentcoulddeducemostofthepeoplewhoengagein agriculturewithoutdecreasingagriculturalproductslnotherwords thesedisguisedunemployedconstitutepotentialsavingsforthesoci‐

etyasawhole,becausesuchunproductiveredundantlaborersare supportedbytheproductivelaborers

Lewis,modelofeconomicdevelopmentwithunlimitedsupplyof laboralsopresupposesdisguisedunemployment(Lewisl954).Lewis,

modelisagrowthmodelthatassumesabundantlaborindeveloping 2Bhagwaticalledthethesisthatdemocracynecessarilyhandicapsdevelop mentwhereasauthoritarianismaidsitasthe“crueldilemmathesis''.And heassessedthisthesisasonebelongedto“theoldview,,whichwasfash‐

ionableduringthel950sandl960s(Bhagwatil994).

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14

countries,Insuchacountry,accordingtoLewis,themarginalproduc‐

tivityoflaborisverysmallsothattherealwagelevelofthecapitalist sectorwouldbedeterminedbytheaverageproductivityofagricuL ture,ie.,thesubsistencelevelofwages、Andaslongasthesubsis‐

tencesectorremains,theunlimitedsupplyoflaborfromthesub‐

sistencesectortothecapitalistsectoratthesubsistencewagelevel wouldcontinue,sothattheeconomicdevelopmentcouldbebrought about,Thisistheargumentthatshowsthepossibilityofmodern

industrializationbasedonthelowwages

lnshort,earlydevelopmentalismassumedanunlimitedavailabil‐

ityoflowwagelaborerswhosupportedtheearlyindustrialization、

However,theydidnotmakeanyfurtheranalysisoflabormarkets・

Theyhardlydiscussedtheroleofeducationorskilledlaborforsuc‐

cessfulindustrialization、

Thenwhatisthelaboreconomicsofthenewdevelopmentalism?

Thedevelopingcountriesthatadoptedthenewdevelopmentalismare countriesthatsucceededineconomicdevelopmentbecauseofexport-

ledstrategyTheneoclassicaldevelopmenteconomistsfoundoneof thereasonswhytheexport-ledstrategysucceededinthe“freeand

flexiblelabormarket',oftheEastAsiancountries(WorldBankl993).

However,whatonearthwas“thefreeandflexiblelabormarket,?

Haggardarguedthatpoliticalweaknessoflaborclasswasthe characteristicsofAsianNICS.“Labor,spoliticalexclusioninallofthe EastAsianNICSgavestateeliteandtheprivatesectorasubstantial degreeoffreedom,,andmadeexport-ledgrowthpossiblelnAsian NICSthereappearedanironiccombination,Le.,“equitywithoutde‐

mocracy,,(Haggardl990).GenerallyspeakinginEastAsiancountries

thecompetitiveedgeattheinternationalmarketwasbasedontheir

abundantcheapandeducatedlaborsToensuresuchcheapandedu‐

catedlabors,itwasnecessarytohavebothinvestmentinhumanre‐

sourcesandanoppressivepoliticalregime

However,thecaseoftheEastAsiancountriesinwhichpolitically

oppressiveregimeswerebuilt-inisahistoricallyspecificcase、For

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RethinkingthePoliticalEconomyof“Developmentalism'’ 15 successfulexport-ledstrategyintheinternationalmarkets,thecheap andproductivelaborforcesareindispensablefactor,buttheoppres‐

sivepoliticalregimeisnotnecessarilyindispensabletoensuresuch cheapandproductivelabors・ThebestexampleisJapan・

InJapantherewasnotaseverepoliticaloppressiontothelabor union・TherethefundamentallaborlawswereenactedundertheUS occupationregimeThemainfactorsthatensuredthehighlyproduc‐

tiveandcheaplaborwerethespreadofschooleducationandthe formationofaninternallabormarket,whichwassupportedbythe long-termlabor-managementrelationsunderlifetimeemployment,

seniority-basedwagesandthepromotionsystem、

Forthelate-comerstocatching-upwiththeadvancedeconomies,

oneofthelessonsthatweshoulddrawfromdevelopmentalismisnot afalsemessagethatapoliticallyoppressiveregimeisnecessarybut ratherthatitisessentialtoconstructasocio-economicsystemthat ensuresproductiveandcheaplabor.

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