An Effective Way of Teaching the Expression of
Future Matters in English;
Part Two: Objective versus Rhetorical Uses of
Simple Future Tenses
英語における未来表現の効果的な教授法の試み
第 2 部:単純未来表現においての客観的用法と修辞的用法の対比
ChapterOne:Introduction,andDiscussionofPredictionsofInevitableResults 第 1 章:序説、および不可避的結果の予報の考察
A.StephenGIBBS
アントニー・スティーヴン・ギブズ第 1 部によって紹介された理論的体系の要点を再紹介しての後、まず、英語の場合は、真 の意味での「未来表現」が実在するのか、それとも、未来についての明白な含意を有しなが ら、根本的に発語現時点(現在)にかかわる表現しかないのかという疑問点を新たな観点か ら考慮し、後者の見解の正当性を短く論証する。次に、未来表現がこのように根本的に現時 点にかかわる表現であるところに、「未来表現」の 2 通りの応用方法を可能性にする一因を 見出す。 2 通りとは、⒜ 客観的・論理的かつ正確な応用方法⒝ 非論理的かつ不正確であり ながら、明示される意味内容以上の旨を伝達する応用方法。応用用法⒝ は、ここでいう
「修辞的用法」になる。アイロニーならびに隠喩という、修辞においての代表的手段が獲得
する、受語者側での心理的反応を考察してから、「柔軟性のない未来予定の報告表現」の「不4
正な4 4応用」の代表的な一例を紹介し、その修辞的、ならびに結果としての心理的効果を論考
する。(予定されている後の数章によってさらに展開される)本論に入り、特に「<後のち>と
いう時間の区分に起こる不可避的結果の予報表現」と「抑制不可能な衝動の不可避的な結果 の予報表現」それぞれの客観的応用と修辞的応用の比較・対比論を進め、/will//shall/という 助動詞使用での、真の意味での「意思未来表現」が英語の未来表現体系に欠如しているとい う筆者の見識が基づく論拠を挙げる。(ページ数制限のため、不可避的結果の予報表現(残 り 2 種類)、計画の宣言表現( 1 種類)、予定の報告表現( 4 種類)、それぞれについての考 察は、続編の章に委ねざるを得ない。)
キーワード
①未来表現(expressingfuturematters) 研究論文
②客観的応用対修辞的応用(objectivevs.rhetoricalapplications)
③不可避的結果の予想表現(predictionsofinevitableresults)
1.Introduction
AsreportedinGibbs(2003)1),theauthorhasfounditpedagogicallyeffectivetopresentthe expressionoffuturemattersasacoherentclosedsystemthatisorganizedsemanticallyaround theprincipleof[degreesof]executant-ownership–whichprinciplecouldalsobeexpressed, moresimply,as‘executant-control’.
Inanalyzinganyfuturematterthatsheneedstoexpress,thefirstbinary-choicetobemade bythelearneristodecidewhetherornotexecutant-ownershipofthatmatterispossible:inthe caseofthegroupofexpressionsthatIhavenumberedF[uture]1[a~d],noagentcanhaveany controloverwhetherornotthatfuturematteroccurs;andsoallfourexpressionsgroupedasF1 haveitincommonthattheyproduceutterancesthatarepredictionsofinevitableresults.On theotherhand,inthosenumberedF2~3,someagent(regardlessofwhetherornotthisisalso theexecutant[s])hasownershipof(andthereforecontrolover)thefuturematterinquestion.
Thenextmajorbinary-choicedistinguishesF2fromF3:F2comprisesonlytheexpression oftheexecutant’s[/executants’]completeownershipofthefuturematter:andthisresultsina declarationofaplan,through/begoingto○/:
F2:Forournextvacation,wearegoingtogotoBali.
Bycontrast,thoseexpressionsIhavegroupedasF3[a~c]allsharethesemanticfeatureof executant-ownershipbeing(tovaryingdegrees)incomplete.
In the case ofF1 [a~d] (inevitable results), the standard of judgment for the first subsidiarybinary-choicewithinthiscategoryiswhetherornotthesegmentoffuturetimein whichtheinevitableresultwillcomeaboutisrelevant;thisdistinguishesbetween,ononehand, F1aandF1d–towhichdifferentiationoftime-segmentisrelevant–and,ontheother,F1b~c –towhichitisnot.
F1aandF1darethendifferentiatedbywhethertheinevitableresultwillcomeaboutin thesametime-segmentas‘now’,ornot:
F1a:OurbabywillnotbebornuntilnextMarch{inevitableresultoccurring
‘later’}.
F1d:Ourbabyisgoingtobebornanydaynow{inevitableresultoccurring
‘soon’}.
Ontheotherhand,thestandardthatdifferentiatesbetweenF1b~c,tobothofwhichthetwo segmentsoffuturetimeareirrelevant,isthenatureofthecauseoftheinevitableresult:in thecaseofF1b,thisisanuncontrollablecompulsiononthepartoftheexecutant:
F1b:If you throw this ball for my dog, he will fetch it {inevitable result of uncontrollablecompulsion}.
And,inthecaseofF1c,thiscauseliesinadeterminationthatwasoriginallyvoluntary,buthas bynowbecomesodeeply-rootedinthemindoftheexecutantthats/henolongerhasany ownershipofitsinevitableresult:itisadeterminationthatissostrongthatithasalreadybecome involuntary:
F1c:Idon’tcarewhatyoumaysay:Iwill buy that car {inevitable result of involuntarydetermination}.
WhatdistinguishF1cfromF1baretwofeatures:(i)inthecaseofF1c,theauxiliaryisalways givenemphasis (in both written and spoken discourse), while (with the exception of contradictionsalteredindialogue)thatinthecaseofF1bneveris;(ii)contextually,F1cis onlyusedtoexpressresistancetosomeurging(byanotheragent)toabandonexecutionofthe futurematterbeingdiscussed,whileF1b,bycontrast,iseitherneutral,orelseconveyssome degreeofresignationastotheoccurrenceoftheinevitableresult:
F1b:IfyoulethimgotoUmeda,hewillonlybuymoreclothesthathedoesn’treally need{inevitableresultofuncontrollablecompulsion}.
IncontrasttoF1~2,usesofF3a~c,however,allresultinutterancesthatarereportsof schedules,andthusallhaveincommontheimplicationthat,whilesomeagent’sownershipof theschedulereportedispossible,executant-ownershipofthatscheduleisactually(atleast) incomplete.
And,inthecaseofF3a,executant-ownershipissoincompleteastobezero:
F3a:Heistospendtherestofhislifeinprison{reportofarigidschedulethat isexecutant-ownership-zero}
Suchaschedule,ofcourse,isabsolutelyinflexible,andbindstheexecutant’sfreedom entirely;andalloftheactualownershipofthescheduleisunderstoodtoliewithsomeagent otherthantheexecutant.
On the other hand,F3 b~c have in common the fact that executant-ownership is incompleteonlyinthesenseofbeingpartial,becauseatleastoneotherpartytotheagreement overtheschedulereportedlikewisehaspartialexecutant-ownership.Thestandardthatthen distinguishesF3 b[i~ii]fromF3 cisthedegreeofflexibilityattributedtotheschedule reported;schedulesexpressedwithF3bareimplicitly‘relativelyhardtochange’,whereasthose expressedwithF3care‘relativelyeasytochange’:
F3c:ApparentlyJoanna’sattendingaconference,andsoshewon’tbeabletocome withus{reportofanexecutant-ownership-partial,flexibleschedule}.
By choosingF3 c, the Addresser here implies both that Joanna does not have complete ownershipofherattendance,andyetalsothatshemightwellbepersuadedtonegotiateachange inthisschedule,withwhateverotheragentshappentobepartytothat,andthathermanagingto accomplishthiswouldbefarfromimpossible.
WerethesameAddresserinsteadtochooseF3bi(whichisidenticalwithF3ainformbut notsituational implication), while she would not be denying Joanna any ownership whatsoeveroftheschedule,shewouldneverthelessimplythatJoannawouldfinditrelatively difficulttoalterherownparticipationinit:
F3bi:ApparentlyJoannaistoattendaconference,andsoshewon’tbeableto comewithus{report of an executant-ownership-partial, inflexible schedule,enacted‘once’}.
F3biidiffersfromF3biinbothformandnuance:
F3bii:ApparentlyJoannaattendsaconferenceonThursday,andsoshewon’tbe able to come with us {report of an executant-ownership-partial, inflexibleschedule:‘timetable’}.
TheformthatdistinguishesF3biifromalloftherestofF1a~F3cis,asyoucansee,theuse oftheSimplePresenttensetoexpressafuturematter;andthenuancehereisderivedfrom theuseofthistensetocharacterize‘mattersthatalwayshappen,andthereforewillhappenthis time,inthefuture,too’–atypeoffuturematterthatIam,forconvenience,terming‘timetable’; andthatnuance(bethatinfacthyperbolicornot)isthat,inthecaseofaperson-executant,that executant and her schedule are so important, to some social group, that the schedule is effectivelyasrelativelyinflexibleasisatime-table,oracodeoflaws,andaffectssimilarly multipleotherparties.
ThecoherentclosedsystemthusconstitutedbyF1a~F3ccanbesummarizedwiththe followingdiagram:
Step One Step Two Step Three Step Four Step Five Expression No. Verb phrase .
[‘in the course of things’] LATER: no t in same time-segment as NOW F1 a time-segment is relevant
ownership is impossible prediction uncontrollable compulsion F1 b
[special cause] inevitable determination F1 c
time-segment is irrelevant
future matter SOON: insame time-segment as NOW F1 d
and complete declaration F2
ownership is inevitable executant-ownership is zero F3 a
but incomplete one time F3 b i
inflexible
executant-ownership is partial every time: ‘timetable’ F3 b ii
flexible F3 c
will/shall ~
[simple present] be ~ing
will ~
be going to ~ be about to ~
be to ~ be going to ~
not~ will
Inthispaper,however,whattheauthorbeginstodiscussisthewayinwhichcompetent Addresserswillapplythissystemnotmerelyobjectively–thatistosay,soastoaccurately reflecttheactualnatureofafuturematter–but,instead,deliberatelyinaccurately,inorder tosecureoneamongagreatvarietyofrhetoricaleffects.
Sincepartofwhatmakestheserhetoricaleffectspossibleappearstobethenatureofthe wayinwhichEnglishactuallyexpressesfuturematters,Ishallfirstsummarizemyownviewof thisnature.
2.BasicgrammaticalfeaturesofF1,F2andF3,andsemanticreasons forthesefeatures
2.1.Thepresentandthefuture
OfallthewaysinwhichitispossibletoexpressfuturemattersinEnglish,onlyF1a~cuse theexplicitlyfuture-tenseauxiliaryverbs,/shall/and/will/.Allotherwaysareadaptationsof fundamentallypresent-tenseverb-forms,implicitlyreferringtothefuture.Andthereseems tobeaclearreasonwhythisshouldbeso.
Ononehand,inevitableresultsoccurringlateron–F1a–,inevitableresultsofan uncontrollablecompulsiontodoorbesomething–F1b–,andinevitableresultsofan involuntarydeterminationtodoorbesomething–F1c–maybesaidnottohaveanyvery clearrelationshipwith‘now’.
Ontheotherhand,inevitableresultsoccurring[very]soon–F1d–obviouslyaffect, forexample,whatweshoulddo‘now’.Again,a plan of future action over which the executant[s]has[have]completeownership–F2–,andalsoanykindofschedule–F3–, alreadybindtheexecutant[s]–iftodifferentdegrees–‘now’.
AndthismustbethereasonwhyF1d,F2andF3a~careallexpressedwithwhatare basicallypresent-tenseforms.
F1d:Thisbuildingisgoingtocollapseatanyminute. F2:Iamgoingtobuymyfriendlunch.
F3a~bi:Nextmonth,thetwocompaniesaretomerge. F3bii:TheEmperormeetsthePresidentnextThursday. F3c:MyfriendsandIaremeetingforlunch.
ButareevenF1a~creallysodifferent?ThisquestioniswhatIshallconsidernext.
2.2.AnotherviewofexpressionoffuturemattersinEnglish
AnotherpossiblewayofthinkingabouthowfuturemattersareexpressedinEnglishisthis: Englishdoesnotreallyhaveanytrulyfuturetense–ornotinthesamesenseinwhich,say,the Latin language does. Instead,all of its ways of expressing future matters are actually assertions,negationsorquestionsaboutthetimeofutterance.
Above,wehavealreadyseenthatthisisclearlytrueofF1d,F2andF3a~c.Butitcould alsobearguedthatitappliesequallytoF1a~c,too.ThisisbecauseF1a~callexpressresults; andtheseresultsnormallyhavetheircauseinanatureorcharacterthatalready exists,
‘now’2),andtheemergenceofsuchresultsismerelyamatterofthepassageoftime,from‘now’ onwards.
Thus,itseemspossibletoregardallexpressionsoffuturemattersinEnglishas,basically, formsofpresenttense,andtoconcludethat,fundamentally,Englishdistinguishesjusttwo regionsoftime:thepresent(inclusiveofthefuture,whichisinsomewayalwaysalready shapedbythepresent),andthepast.
3.Objectiveversusrhetoricalusesofexpressionsoffuturechangesorstates
3.1.Applyingand‘misapplying’therules
Because expression of future matters constitutes aclosed system, the use of one particular form often gains extra communicative effect from also being an implicit rejectionofoneormoreotherforms,whichcouldhavebeenusedinstead,butareinfactnot beingused.So,inconsidering,below,someoftheanswerstothefinallearning-activityin presentinPartOne[Gibbs,(2003)pp.21~22],weshalloftencomparetheeffectsofdifferent choices–whereverchoiceispossible.
This closed system can be used in either of two ways: one is to apply the criteria for choosingtheformsofexpressioninastrictlyobjective,logicalway–thatistosay,accordingto therulesthatIhavesummarizedin1.,above.theother,however,istodeliberatelybreak thosebasicrulesforapplyingthesystem,inordertogainparticularrhetoricaleffects.
3.2.Rhetoricandrhetoricaleffects
WhatdoImean,here,by‘rhetoric’?ByitImeandoingsomethingwithwords–andvery oftentherebybreakingoneoranothergrammaticalorpragmaticrule–inordertocommunicate somethingmorethan–orevenquitedifferentfrom–whatisactuallyuttered–andveryoftenso asalsotoallowtheAddressertoavoidhavingtotake‘on-record’responsibilityforhavingsent theentiremessagethatisreceived.
3.2.1.Theexampleofirony
Averycommonexampleofrhetoricis,ofcourse,theuseofirony.Oneofthepragmatic rulesofcommunicationis,ofcourse,toexpressthetruth,oratleastexpressexactlywhatone means. Irony is a deliberate breaking of this rule, in order not to prevaricate, but to communicate,andemphasize,thesemanticoppositeofwhatisactuallyuttered.
IfAiswearingabrightreddress,withabrightyellow-and-purplepatternonit,andbrilliant
greenshoes,overtightsstripedinpinkandorange,andBasksher,“Isn’tyouroutfitabitonthe drabside?”,thatisanexampleofirony:Bisutteringtheoppositeofwhathereallymeans, andwantsAtothinkabout–whichis,ofcourse,‘Youstrikemeasbeinggarishlydressed’.He willchooseirony,becausetheexplicitcontentofwhatheissayingshouldsurprisehisAddressee, bybeingquiteclearlyuntrue.Soshecanonlyconcludethat,aspeopledonotnormallylie–or donotdosoatleastiftheresultantutteranceisgoingtobeobviousasalie–theAddresser mustmeansomethingelse.But,ashehasleftthisimplicit,shehastodiscoveritforherself;and doingthisismorelikelytomakeherthinkaboutit.
Irony,likeverymanyotherrhetoricalmaneuvers,hasafurthercommunicativeadvantage. ForitrequirestheAddresseetograsp,andeven–atleastmomentarilyandexperimentally– share,theAddresser’ssubjectiveviewofwhathehasexpressed.Onceshehasrealizedwhat herAddressermustreallymean,theAddresseewillnoticethatitrelatesinaparticularway towhathehasovertlyuttered.Thatrelationisoneofreversal;thiswillalerthertotheuseof irony;andironyiscustomarilyemployedtoindexdisapproval,ornegativecriticism,ofwhat itisusedinexpressing3).Soshewillthink,‘Oh-oh!SoIdon’tlooksogoodintheseclothes!Or not,atleast,tomyAddresser,B.’
3.2.2.Theexampleofmetaphor
Anothercommonexampleofrhetoricismetaphor.If,ininquiringaboutaheavily-built manthatlookslikeaRugbyforward,anAmericanfootballdefenseplayer,oraprofessional heavyweightwrestler,andyethasaverypatientexpressiononhisface,anAddresserasks,‘And whoisthat oxoverthere?’,inaroomthatcontainsnotonesinglefour-footedanimal,his Addresseewill,howeverbriefly,bepuzzled.Forshehasbeenaskedaquestionthatbreakstwo rulesatonce:oneisthepragmaticruleofnotaskingquestionsthatcannotbeanswered[in effect,suchquestionsareakindoflie];andtheotheristhegrammaticalruleofnot(usually) using/who/ofanythingthatisnothuman(oralreadypersonified).
So,unlesssheknowsthatthisAddresserisgiventoseeingthingsthatotherpeoplecannot see(e.g.ghosts,orhallucinations),shewillagainhavetoconcludethatherAddresserhasnot saidwhathemeans.
Thisuseofmetaphorthencauseshertoaskherselfwhathereallymeant.Asthereisno actualoxbeforehereyes,andbecausehehasused/who/,shewillhavetoassumethather Addresseractuallymeant‘someonethatislikeanox’,andthenuseherconceptualschemafor thegeneralnoun,/ox/,inordertopickoutthat‘someone’.
Asinthecaseofirony,theAddresseeispresentedwithapuzzle,andhasactivelytosolve
thatpuzzle.HerhavingtothinkaboutwhattheAddresserwastryingtocommunicatewillgive thatimplicitcontentmuchmoreimpactonhermind4).
(Likeirony,andalsomanyotherrhetoricaldevices)metaphoralsohasthecommunicative advantage of requiring the Addressee to grasp and even, at least momentarily and experimentally,sharetheAddresser’ssubjectiveresponsetowhathehasexpressed.In ordertodistinguishwhichpersontheAddresserisaskingabout,theAddresseehastotrytopick out,fromamongallthepeoplebeforehereyes,theonethatmightbesaidtomostresemble anox.
Thatistosay,liketheAddresser,theAddresseetoocanseeeverybodyintheroom,and, liketheAddresser,shewillhaveherownsubjectiveimpressionofeachperson.Itcouldwell happenthat,untilshewasrequiredtotrytointerprettheAddresser’squestioninorderto answerit,shehadalreadynoticedthelargeandpatient-lookingman,yetnocomparisontoanox hadoccurredtohermind.Herownsubjectiveimpressionofhimmighthavebeenquitedifferent: forexample,itmighthavebeen,‘Thatmanlooksasthoughhewouldprovesurprisinglygoodat handlinglittlechildren;’or,‘Intenyears’time,thatmanisgoingtobegrosslyover-weight,witha bigbeer-belly.’Nevertheless,inordertobridgethegap,betweenwhatherAddresserhas actuallyasked,andwhathemustinfacthavemeanttoask,shehasto‘seethroughhis eyes’.Evenifthecomparisontoanoxisquiteunexpectedtoher,/thatox/isheronlyclueto understandingwhoherAddresserisaskingabout.Andsoshehas,possiblyforthefirsttime,to trytotakeuptheideaofanox-likeperson,andapplyittoeveryonethatshecanseebeforeher, withwhomitmightfit.Inotherwords,shehastoexperiment,atleastbriefly,withapplyingnot herownbutherAddresser’ssubjectivity,howeverdifferentthatmaybefromherown.And(as inthecaseoffindingandexpressingempathyforone’sAddresser)thisincreasesthedepthof interpersonalcommunication.AtleastduringthemomentatwhichtheAddresseesolvesthe puzzleofherAddresser’suseofmetaphor,theAddresseehasnochoicebuttotakeonthe subjectivityfromwhichithassprung.
Oneresultofthisisthat,havingexperimentedwithusingherAddresser’ssubjectivity,in placeofherown,shemayfindthat,thoughshehadnotpreviouslyrealizedthis,itinfactagrees withherown–‘Yes!Thatmanisindeedjustlikeanox!’Thus,inmanycasesinwhichrhetoric isused,itscommunicativepurposeispersuasion.ItasksitsAddressee[s],‘Don’tyoutooinfact seethingsinjustthewaythatIdo?’–theanswerthatittriestoelicitbeing,‘Oh!SoIdo,too!’
3.2.3.Twoofthereasonsforwhichrhetoricischaracteristicallyemployed
Theworkingsofbothironyandmetaphoraregoodexamplesofoneofthechiefreasonsfor
whichAddressersoftenchooserhetorical,implicitexpressionsofwhattheyreallywantto communicate,ratherthanchoosingobjective,logical,explicitexpressions.Thatreasonis thattheeffectontheAddresseediffers.
Anobjective,logical,explicitexpressiondoesnotrequiretheAddresseetodoverymuch activework,inprocessingitasinformation.Instead,herbrainwilldothisautomatically,and herwillisnotinvolved.Thus,sheremainsanalmostpassivereceiverofthatinformation.
Ontheotherhand,arhetoricalexpressionisclearlyadeliberatebreakingofoneormoreof therulesthatarenormallyobeyedbyallAddressers;thatistosay,obeyingtherulesofboth grammarandpragmaticsistheDefaultchoice.OnceanAddresseehasnoticedthatoneor morerulesarebeingbroken,shewillseektounderstandtheSpecialNeedsthathaveledtothis breakingofit/them.Alreadyherwillisactive,andherbrainnolongeronautomatic-pilot–no longerstillmerely‘mechanically’processingwhatshehearsorreads.(Asintheexampleofthe Faculty Meeting mentioned in note 3,) this in itself increases the impact of what is being communicated:Addresseesmaywellbecomeactivated–inmind,andeveninbody,aswell.
Andasecondreasonforchoosingarhetoricalexpressionislikewiseexemplifiedbyboth ironyandmetaphor.Aswehaveseen,solvingthepuzzlethatauseofeitheralwayspresents requirestheAddresseetoexperimentwithtakingontheAddresser’ssubjectivity.This increasesthechancesofherdiscoveringthatherownsubjectivityissimilar,orevenidentical–or atleastthatshe‘canseewhatherAddressermeans’.Thus,asexemplifiedabove,useofrhetoric canbeoneveryeffectivemeansofpersuasion.
3.2.4.Expressionsoffuturematters,andrhetoriceffects:onepairofexamples
Ononehand,norhetorical‘mis-use’oftheEnglishsystemforexpressingfuturemattersis itselfinherentlyironic.Ontheotherhand,bothallusesofF3aandsomeusesofF3biiare inherentlymetaphorical.
F3a:Youaretogouptoyourbedroom,anddoyourhomework.
Here,infact,theAddresserhasunilaterallydecideduponthisschedule,andisunilaterally imposingitupontheAddressee(probablyherchild).Asweshallsee,byusingthis,insteadof usingadirectcommand,
Gouptoyourbedroom,anddoyourhomework!
theAddresserisinfactlying.Sheis,instead,saying,‘Thesituationisasthough[=metaphor] someauthoritymorepowerfulthanI(suchasGod,orsomegodorgods,ortheGoddessof Destiny),hasunilaterallydecidedthatyouaretodoasIammerelyreportingtoyou,andis though[=metaphor]Imyselfhavethereforehadnothingtodowithdecidingthisschedule.(= Sodon’tbotherarguingwithme,sincecontrolofthissituationliesbeyondmyown,personal ownership.)’Thisisnottrue;instead,whatitconveys–andyetconceals–istheAddresser’s unbendabledeterminationtoimposeherownwill.
Again,anyuseofF3bii(‘timetable’)toexpressafuturematterthathasnotpreviously occurred,andisnotnecessarilygoingtoberepeated,yettoexpressitjustasoneexpressesthe contents of a timetable, is another use ofmetaphor: ‘Just as any aspect of the weekly Shinkansentimetableisveryhardtogetchanged,sothisscheduledmeetingbetweenthe EmperorandthePresidentoftheUnitedStatesisalsoveryhardtochange.’
InneithercaseistheAddresseradmittingwhatisinfacttrue(e.g.amonarchcanatleast alwaysclaimsuddenphysicalindisposition,andthusevadeascheduleforwhichhehasno politicalorethicalstomach);and,inbothcases,herintendedviewofthesituationinquestionis imposeduponherAddressee,bywhatprocessingtheutteranceentailsforthelatter.
So,whatIamgoingtodiscussandcomparebelow,andalsoinforthcomingcontinuationsof thisseriesofchapters,isthecommunicativeeffectofbothobjective,logicalapplicationsofthe system,andalsoostensibly-illogicalbutrhetorically-powerfulmisapplicationsofthatsystem,in ordertoactivatetheAddressee,andalsotochange,atleastduringaverybriefperiodoftime, thelatter’ssubjectiveunderstandingofthefuturematterbeingexpressed;andalsopointout, wherenecessary,theparadoxicallogicthatsecuresthesevariousrhetoricaleffects.
Here,weshallstartwithF1:predictionsoffutureresultsthatareownership-impossible, andthereforeinevitable.
4.ObjectivechoicesandrhetoricalchoicesamongF1a~d 4.1.F1a:Predictionsofinevitableresultsoccurringlater
a)F1a[ORF1d]:Youwillfind[ORaregoingtofind]thisproblemratherdifficult tosolve.
Inexample(a),thecauseoftheinvoluntaryresultmaybeeitherthegeneralnatureofthe
problem(itsinherentdifficulty),orthegeneralnatureoftheAddressee(hisinherentlackof cleverness,orofskillinsolvingthiskindofproblem).
Thenatureinquestionisofteninthiswayambiguous:
F1a?:Ishallnevertrustyouagain.
Here,itishardtodecidewhetheritisthenatureoftheAddresserorthatoftheAddressee thatistobeidentifiedasthecausethatwillpreventanyfutureoccurrenceofthestatethatis expressed.
4.2.1.F1acomparedwithF1d
Inthecaseofexample(a),theobjectivechoicebetweenF1aandF1dwilldependonhow faroffinthefuturetheAddressee’sdiscoveryofthedifficultyoftheproblemisanticipatedas occurring.Ifthisisgoingtohappenlateryetwithinthesametime-segment[regardlessofthe temporalscaleofthissegment]ascomprisesthetimeofutterance(‘now’),thenF1disthe normalchoice.
Thus,in
F1a:Ishallnevertrustyouagain,
thechoiceofF1afitswith/never/betterthanwouldachoiceofF1d,for/never/coversthe wholeoffuturetime,whereasF1dwouldreferonlytoalaterpointintimewithinthesame time-segmentascomprisesthetimeofutterance.
4.2.2.RhetoricaluseofF1a
b)F1a[ORF1d]:Ishallexpect[ORamgoingtoexpect]youtocomebackby midnight.
Example(b)makesamorerhetoricaluseofF1a:thatistosay,itimpliesmorethanit explicitlystates.TheAddresserisprobablytheparentoftheAddressee.BychoosingF1a,she impliesthat‘itisthenatureofanyonethatisaparenttorequireherchildtokeepoutofdanger, andgetenoughsleep.Thisrequirementisinevitable–andnotamatterofmyownchoice.’ But,byexpressingwhatisinfactherowndesireasinevitable(‘ownership-impossible’),sheis
implicitly giving the child anabsolute command, over the execution of which the child- Addresseeitselfhaszero-ownership:‘Youmustbebackbymidnight.’Moreover,theimplication ofinevitable result strongly suggests that this requirement isnon-negotiable. (That utterance(b)isnotaninstanceoftheuseofF1bisshownbythefactthat,ifitis23:30atthe timeofutterance,theAddresserismorelikelytochooseF1d,instead.)
4.2.3.RhetoricaluseofF1acomparedwithuseofF3a
Another(common)exampleofthisrhetoricaluseofF1aisthis:
F1a[ORF1d]:Youwillgo[ORaregoingtogo]uptoyourroomand[willOR aregoingto]doyourhomework!
Hereagainthereisanextra,unspokenmessage:‘Youareaschoolchild;anditisinevitablefor schoolchildren to do their homework nightly, in their bedrooms: that is in thenature of schoolchildren.’ThustheAddressercanimplythatnotonlydoesherschoolchildAddressee havenochoice[=inevitable],sheherselfhasnochoice[=inevitable],either,inpointingthis out.(ThechoicebetweenF1aandF1ddepends,ofcourse,onduringwhichtime-segment–of
‘soon’and‘later’–thiseventissupposedtotakeplace.)
Comparethis,however,withtheeffectofauseofF3a,instead:
F3a:Youaretogouptoyourroom,and[areto]doyourhomework.
Thistooisanimplicitexpressionofanabsoluteorder;andagaintheschoolchildAddresseeis toldthathehaszero-ownershipofthisfuturescheduleofwhichheistheexecutant.But,by expressingascheduleunilaterallyimposed,theAddressercansuggestthattherealowner of this schedule cannot be identified;wemaysaythatitispresentedas‘ownership- opaque’.
Intermsofpragmatics,thisexpressionismoreforceful,andfirstofallbecauseitis harsher:theAddresserisexpressingaunilateralimpositionofsomeone’svolitionuponthe schoolchild;andsecondlybecauseitexpressesthescheduleas‘ownership-opaque’;andtherefore thatscheduleispresentedasverymuchhardertore-negotiatethanitisinthecaseof/I wantyoutogouptoyourroom,and[to]doyourhomework/;forthislatterutterancemakes thesourceofthedesirethatitexpressesexplicit–sothechildknowswhotoarguewith,ifit doesn’twanttodoitshomework–ordoesn’twanttodoitinitsbedroom.
Atthesametime,inpragmatic effectitis,Ithink,weakerthanthechoiceofF1 a, because it implicitly acknowledges that the schedule originates withsomeone, known or unknown;so,ifthechilddoesnotwanttodoitshomeworkinitsroom,itmaybeabletofindthat someone,andtoarguewiththem,ortryandpersuadethemtochangetheschedule.Bycontrast,
F1a:You will go up toyourroomand[will] doyourhomework!{Ownership- impossible}
concealsalloriginoftheimplicitcommand(theAddresser),bypresentingthisfutureprocessas ainevitableresultoriginatinginageneralnature.Thechildistoldthatthereisnoonewith whomsheorhecannegotiatesuchresults,inordertotrytopreventthemfromoccurring.They cannotbutoccur.
4.2.4.RhetoricaluseofF1acomparedwithF2
If,however,theAddresserofexample(b),above,choosesnotF1abutinsteadF2,
F2:[uttered during the daytime] I amgoing to expect you tocomebackby midnight.
shefreelyacknowledgesherowncompleteownershipofthisplan;so,pragmatically,thisis muchweaker in impact: since the Addresser has admitted to complete ownership, the Addresseemayfeelthats/hecanpersuadetheAddressertochangethatplan.Thus,few (pragmatically-wily)parentswouldmakethischoice.
4.3.1.OtherexamplesoftheobjectivelogicaluseofF1a
c)F1a:Snowwillfall,laterthisafternoon.
d)F1a:Autumnwilleventuallycome,andtheleaveswilldropfromthetrees.
Thesearebothstraightforward,objective(non-rhetorical)usesofF1a.Thecausesimplied are,ofcourse,naturalprocesses,andthereforeownership-impossible..
4.3.2.ExtendedF1acomparedwithF2
Bytheway,thereisacommonly-usedextensionofthisbasicmeaningofF1a,asseenin
thefollowingexample:
F1a:Theplanewillland[ORwillbelanding]fifteenminutesaheadofschedule.
Obviously,thedecisiontolandassoonaspossibleisundertheownershipofthepilotoftheplane (thoughhewillhavetonegotiatethatwiththedestination-airportflight-controller).Therefore, F2mightseemthenaturalchoice:
F2[ANDALSOF1d]:The plane is going to land fifteen minutes ahead of schedule.
Indeed, becauseF2 and F1 d are expressed with the same form of verb-phrase, if the announcementismadeverycloseintimetotheprobablelanding,thenthismightwellbechosen.
Thereseem,however,tobeseveralreasonswhy,ifthelandingisstillfurtheroffinthe future,F1aisnormallypreferredtoF2:
i)Theplaneisexpressedastheexecutantoftheplan.Asamachinehasnoability toownaplan,evenincompletely,F2isnotappropriate;
ii)Thepilotrepresentstheairline;anditispartofthegeneralnatureofairlines totrytodelivertheirpassengerstotheirdestinationsasquicklyaspossible(and alsotosavefuel)so,ultimately,thepilotdoesnotreallyhaveanyownershipof whentoland;and,again,F2isnotappropriate;
iii)Thecauseoftheplane’sbeingaheadofschedulecanonlybefavorableweather- conditions,whichareownership-impossiblephenomena;andF1 areflectsthis situation,whileF2ofcoursedoesnot.
5.F1b:Predictionofaninevitableresultofanuncontrollablecompulsion tobeordosomething
5.1.TheambiguityofdistinctionbetweenF1bandF1a
e)F1b[ORF1a?]:Mydaughterwillbequitehappytodriveyoutothenearest station.
WhatthisAddresserisinfactcommunicatingis,‘Mydaughter’sgeneralcharacterleads metopredictthatshewillnotminddrivingyoutothestation.Sheisnotthesortofperson whowouldregisterdoingthisasanyinconveniencetoher.Sopleasedonotworryabout acceptingthisofferofalifttothestation.’Here,theimplicationof‘uncontrollablecompulsion’is adeliberateuseofhyperbole–anotherexampleofarhetoricalchoiceofexpressionofa futurematter:byexaggerating,theAddresseristryingtomakeheroffereasierfortheAddressee toaccept.
f)F1b[ORF1a?]:Ifyouarenotcareful,Ishallcertainlyfallinlovewithyou.
Inexample(f),whattheAddresseriscommunicatingisthis:‘Iknowmyowngeneral character,andIcanpredictthatthischaracterwillcompelmetofallinlovewithyou,ifyou behaveinacertainwaytowardsme.’Sothisappearstobeanexampleinwhichtheanswerto thequestionastowhich,ofF1aandF1b,theAddresserintendsisunclear.SinceF1bhas obviouslydevelopedfromF1a,suchunclearnessshouldnotbesurprising;andperhapswe shouldnotthinkofF1aandF1basseparatecategories,butratherformingonecontinuous cline,onwhichexampleslike(f)shouldbeplacedsomewhereinthemiddle:
inevitableresultof inevitableaccidentalresult
uncontrollablecompulsion
(f)
5.2.F1bischaracterizedbyalackoflimitonthesegmentoffuturetimeimplied
That(f)isnot,however,purelyF1aissuggestedbythefactthatthisexampledoesnot seemtospecifythetime-segment‘laterinthefuture’,asF1aalwaysdoes:nothinghereimplies thatthechangeinquestioncouldnothappenwithin,say,thenextfifteenminutes–or,equally possibly,awholeyearfrom‘now’.Ontheotherhand,/ifyouarenotcareful/impliesthatthis changeisnotuniversallyinevitable,but,instead,willonlyhappenundercertainconditions. ThissuggestsanelementofF1a,too.
Thesamelackofthesenseof‘lateron’(i.e.notinthesametime-segmentas‘now’)[F1a] ratherthan‘soon’(i.e.withinthesametime-segmentas‘now’)[F1d]seemstoapplyinthecase
ofexample(e),too:
e)F1b[ORF1a?]:Mydaughterwillbequitehappytodriveyoutothenearest station.
ThissortofthingmaywellbesaidwhenaguestisabouttodepartfromtheAddresser’shome; and so expresses a future state that will occur ‘soon’, rather than ‘later on’. Thus, grammatically-speaking,theAddressermightbeexpectedtouseF1d:
F1d:?Mydaughterisgoingtobequitehappytodriveyoutotheneareststation
Pragmaticallyspeaking,however,thefactthatveryfewAddresserswouldactuallymakethis choicesuggeststhat,inthecaseof(e),too,/willbe○/isinfactF1b,andnotF1a.
g)F1b(ORF1a):Yourparentswillbesohappyoncetheyhavelearnedthatyou havegotintoKandai.
Thesameambiguityalsoinheresinexample(g);and,since/willbe○/canbereplacedwith/are goingtobe○/,iftheparentsaregoingtoreceivethenewsverysoonfrom‘now’,perhapsthisis betteridentifiedasanexampleofF1a.
inevitableresultof inevitableaccidentalresult
uncontrollablecompulsion
(f)(g)
5.3.UnambiguousF1bcomparedwithF2
h)A:Whoisgoingtohelpme?
B:F1b:O.K.,Ishall[helpyou].
Example(h)isclearlyaninstanceofF1b,because,accordingtotherulesofEnglish pragmatics–andspecificallyoftheareaofpragmaticstermed‘politeness’–whenansweringa
question,itisconsideredinappropriateunnecessarily to changethewordsthatexpress informationalreadysuppliedbythequestion–thatistosay,whatformstheOldInformationof theanswer.Todothissuggeststhattherewassomethingwrongwiththeoriginalquestion, whichisanimplicitnegativecriticismofthequestioner.SotheDefaultchoiceinphrasing politeanswersistousethesamewordingfortheOldInformationgivenbythequestion.
BecauseAddresserAhasusedF2,/isgoingtohelp/,whatAddresserBoughttohavesaid is,/O.K.Iam[going to helpyou]/.Buthere,AddresserBhasnotobeyedthisrule;and breakingitisobviouslyaSpecial-needschoice.SowhataretheseSpecialNeeds?
Imaginethatyoubelongtoasports-clubandyouareasophomore.Asapunishmentfor missingapractice-session,thecaptainofyourclubordersyoutocleanupthewholeclub-room, onyourown–andtheroomislarge,andveryuntidyanddirty.Everyoneelsegoeshome,and youstartdoingthislonelyandunpleasantwork.
Suddenlyyourfavoriteseniorcomesbackintotheroom,andputsdownhisbag.Youask whyhehasreturned,andhereplies,withanaffectionatesmile,‘I’mgoingtohelpyou!’
BychoosingF2,heexpresseshiscompleteownershipofthefutureactofhelping.Thatis tosay,heimplicitlyreassuresyouthatnoonehastoldhimtodothis;andalsothatnothinginhis natureiscompellinghimtodoit:heisdoingitbecausehewantstodoit,andsohasfreely decidedtodoit.Inthiscase,thechoiceofF2maysimplybeanobjectivestatement;oritmay beaconsideratefiction:inreality,theseniordoesfeelscompelled,byhisowncharacter,to sacrifice his own free time to help you – perhaps because he ‘can’t help feeling’ that your punishmentisunjustlysevere.Atthesametime,hemayfearthat,shouldheexpresshisactual lackofownershipoverhisactofhelpingyou,youwillfindhisofferhardertoaccept;andsohe chooses,instead,F2.
Ontheotherhand,inexample(h)above,theAddresserthatrepliesdoesnotchooseF2– andinspiteofthefactthattodosoislesspolite.Thereasonforwhichhewoulddothisis relatedtothereasonforwhichyourseniormightindeedchooseF2.IfthisAddresserfelt entirelyfreetochoosewhetherornottohelptheAddresserthatquestions,hewouldindeed selectF2.Yethedoesnot.Moreover,forwhateverreason,hewantstheAddresserthatasksfor helptonoticeandunderstandthathehasnotselectedF2.(Perhapshewantstomake thefirstAddresserfeelsomedegreeofsenseofobligationtohim.)Howeverbrightlyand enthusiasticallyhemayseemtospeakhisanswer,bychoosingF1bhewillimplyacertain degreeofresignationduetoinevitableweaknessinthefaceofhiscompulsiontohelp, whichspringsfromthehelplesskindness,orcooperativeness,ofhisnature.(Thisresignationis alsoexpressedby/O.K./,which,spokenratherslowly,withafallingintonation,implies,‘Iaccept
that[something]cannotbehelped[=avoided]’.)
Again, we can see that this cannot be a use ofF1 a, because it can be employed appropriatelyevenwhenthefutureprocessisabouttobeginverysoon,orimmediately.
Adifferentkindofresignationisimpliedbyeachofthefollowingpairofexamples:
i)F1b:Ishalldomybest. ii)F1b:IshalldowhatIcan.
Incommunicativeeffect,/Ishalldomybest/isverydifferentfrom(iii):
iii)F2:Iamgoingtodomybest.
For,inexample(iii),theAddresserexpressescompleteownershipofherfutureconduct,and thusimpliesapositivedecision(i.e.plan)todoherbest.Ontheotherhand,inthecaseof example (i) the Addresser expresses her future conduct as aresult that is ‘ownership- impossible’,andthereforeinevitable,andthatshemerelypredicts,fromknowledgeofher owncharacterornature:‘asIamthissortofperson,Iwill,Iexpect,domybest.’Thus,no positivedecisionisimplied,theutterancehaving,instead,somedegreeofimplicationof,‘Ican onlydomybest’;andthisisthecauseofthe(slight,orpossible)implicationofresignation. ButtheobjectofthisresignationisnotacompulsionthatispartoftheAddresser’snature,but insteadthatnatureasawhole,asincludingthepowersthatwillnecessaryinordertocomplete thetaskthatnowfacestheAddresser.AnditcanalsoimplythattheAddresserdoesnotexpect particularlywonderfulresultsfromusingthosepowers.
Thisimplicationofresignationisstrongerinthisprediction:
ii)F1b:IshalldowhatIcan.
IftheAddresserhadchoseninsteadF2,/IamgoingtodowhatIcan/,then,becauseF2 expressesapositivedecision,italsoimplicitlyinvitestheAddresseetoexpectsomedesirable orusefulresults.Becauseofitsimplicationofresignation,however,example(ii)doesnot.
Inthatthiscommunicatesverylittleimplicationofanycompulsion,thissortofuseof/will
~/isveryclosetoF1a;but,heretoo,wecantellthatitisnotactuallyF1a,sincebothof examples(i~ii)mightbeappropriatelyutteredimmediatelybeforetheAddressergoesinto action.
5.4.ThecharacteristicuseofF1btoexpressoffersandproposalstodosomething
1)A:We’reverylowonmilk….
B:F1b:ThenI’llpicksomeupwhenIgotothesupermarket.
2)A:We’reverylowonmilk….
B:F2:Yes;I’mgoingtopicksomeupwhenIgotothesupermarket.
Letusconsidertheappropriateanswerstothefollowingtwoquestions.
(a)WhendidBdiscoverthats/hehadtobuysomemoremilk?Isthisthesamepointin timeinboth(1~2)?Ifnot,howdoesthispointintimediffer,between(1)and(2)?
(b)Whatisthedifferenceinrhetoricaleffect,betweenB’sreplyin(1)andher/hisreply in(2)?
Myownanswersto(a)areasfollows.Thepointsintimedodiffer,between(1)and(2):in thecaseof(1),untilAmentionstheproblem,Bhasapparentlybeenunawareofit–for/then/ means‘sincethatisthecaseORifthatisso’;in(2),however,Balreadyknowsaboutit:/yes/ means‘Youarequiteright’.
Andmyownanswerto(b)isthis:in(2),Bhasalreadymadeaplan,anddeclaresher/his resolvetocarryitout.Biseffectively(i.e.rhetorically)saying,‘Iamincompletecontrolof thesituation;leaveeverythingtome:’thisiswhatisverystronglyimpliedbythechoice,here,of F2.
Therhetoricaleffectof(1),ontheotherhand,isquitedifferent.There,BusesnotF2but F1b.Thisis,ofcourse,basicallyanexpressionoftheresultofanuncontrollablecompulsion; andsuchexpressionsoftenimplyresignation,inthefaceoftheforceofthatcompulsion.Inthis case,however,thenuanceofresignationisnegligible;instead,inusingF1b,Bimpliesthats/he isthesortofpersonthatspontaneously–almostinvoluntarily–meetstheneedsofthe householdthats/heshareswithA;and,therefore,nowknowingthatthathouseholdisshortof milk,s/hewillofcourseacttoremedytheproblem.Therhetoricaleffecthereisthatofsaying,‘I knowmyself;sodon’tworry:mycharacterwillcausemetobuyusmoremilk.’
And,aspolitenessisjustasimportantbetweenintimatesplacedonafootingofmutual equality as it is in situations where the conlocutors are placed in some degree of mutual inequalityofstatus,thatthechoiceofF1b,ratherthanF2,isanimportantone.Forchoiceof F2maydrawa little too muchofA’sattentiontoB’s competenceasco-runneroftheir household:again,‘Iamincontrolofthesituation;leaveeverythingtome.’Bycontrast,the
choiceofF1bmerelysays,‘Inthenatureofthings,moremilkwillbeprovided–byme,asit (inevitably)happens.’
Astraditionalaccountsofgrammar,too,dopointout,F1bis,insuchwaysasin(1),above, characteristicallyusedtoexpressoffersandproposalstodosomething,usuallyforthebenefit ofsomeoneelse(andsometimesoftheexecutantaswell,asin(1),above).Thatisinfactthe ultimaterhetoricaleffectofexample(e),too:
e)F1b:Mydaughterwillbequitehappytodriveyoutotheneareststation.
Next,letusexamineadifferentexampleofthemakingofaproposal.
Aiscarryingaveryheavybag;andBcatchesAupfrombehind.Bisstrongeroryounger thanA;andsos/hesuggests,
3)F1b:Shall5)Icarrythatforyou?
(IfAissomeoneBneedstoshowgreaterrespectfor,s/hewillseekpermission,byasking,/May Icarrythatforyou?/;butthisusesamodalauxiliaryverb,andsoisnotdirectlyrelatedtothe simplefuturetenses.)
ButhowwouldAfeel,ifBusedeither(4)or(5),below?
4)F2?[ORF1d?]:AmIgoingtocarrythatforyou? 5)F2:I’mgoingtocarrythatforyou.
Ofcourse,both(4)and(5)areeffectuallyrudetoA,thoughfordifferentreasons.
Inthecaseof(4),BseemstobeaskingaquestionofnotAbut,instead,her/himself:for onlys/heknowsher/hisownnaturewellenoughtoanswersuchaquestion.And,bytalkingnot toAbutinsteadtoher/himself,s/heisalreadybeingratherrudetoA.Whatisruderstill, however,is,ifthisisauseofF2,her/hisquestioningofher/himself,astowhethers/hehasor hasnotactuallyformedthesupposedlyvoluntaryplanexpressed:s/heappearsstilltobe tryingtocometoadecision;and,ifthisis,instead,F1d,s/heisexpressingaquestionaboutan inevitableresultabouttooccurinthesametime-segmentas‘now’,but(thus)onethatis expressedashavingnointimaterelation(suchasissuggestedbyF1b)toeitherher/himselfor A.
Inthecaseof(5),however,thepotentialrudenesshasanoriginthatisquitedifferent:B declarestotal,becauseunilateral,ownershipofwhoitshallbe,thatfromnowoncarriesA’s bag.ThistakestheautonomyofAher/himselfintonodegreeofaccountwhatsoever.
Ononehand,inthecaseofthesenior’splantohelpyoucleantheclub-room(see5.3., above),hisusingF2ispolitetoyou,becauseheisyoursuperior,andbydeclaringaplanof voluntaryactionofwhichhehascompleteownership[F2],heisabletotellyouthatyouare quitefreetoaccepthisoffer,fornothingyoucansayisgoingtoalterhisdecision.
But politeness towards socialinferiors often requires strategies that are completely differentfromthosenecessitatedbypolitenesstowardssuperiors,customers,etc.Onereason forthisisthatthesuperiorhasgentlytomaketheinferior’surgetobepolite(byrefusingthe offerofhelp)impossibletoexecute–thatistosay,togentlyremindtheinferiorthats/hehasno ownershipoftheplanorscheduleinquestion.
Ontheotherhand,politenesstowardssuperiors,inthecaseofoffersandproposalsthat willbetothebenefitofthesuperiorrequiresatleastthreestrategies:(a)avoidinginfringing upontheautonomyofthesuperior;(b)avoidinganyappearanceofexactionofgratitude fromthesuperior;and(c)avoidinganyimplicitaccusationofselfishnessaslyingbehindA’s potential acceptance of the offer or proposal. And this is what the choice ofF1 bin(3) successfullydoes:
3)F1b:ShallIcarrythatforyou?
Ordinarily–thatistosay,inthecaseofbothassertionsandnegations–F1bconcernsonly theexecutant’suncontrollablecompulsion.But,inthecaseofquestions,boththepotential executant(B)andanotherperson(A)aresimultaneouslyinvolved;and,so,inthecaseof suchquestions,F1b’sacknowledgementof(someone’s)uncontrollablecompulsionseemsto beextended,frommerelyconcerningtheexecutant’scompulsion,tocomprisethatofthe recipientaswell.Thus,Bispossiblysayingboth,‘(i)Myowncharactermaycompelmeto trytocarryyourbagforyou’;andalso(ii)‘Maynotyourowncharactercompelyou(graciously) toallowmetodoso?’
Implication(ii)politelyrelievesAofanyaccusationofvoluntarilyimposingher/his burdenuponB,andthusexactinggratitudefromA;andthereforealsosuccessfullyavoids makinganyaccusationofselfishness.Andimplication(a)insiststhatBhasnochoicebut to(atleastwishto)carryA’sbag;thistoomakesitpossibletoavoidseemingtoexactgratitude. Atthesametime,theeffective,iffuzzy,bypassingofeitherparty’svolitionbeingconcerned
createdbytheuseofF1balsobypassesthewholequestionofA’sautonomy–ratherthan,as isnormallypolite,showingspecificrespectforthis.
Theseseveralimplications,combined,make(3)averypoliteoffer;forwhatisbeing proposedisexpressedasbeyondthecontrolofthevolitionsofeitherAorB:ifAacceptsB’s offer,thatwillbebutaninevitableresult;andB’sofferitselfisexpressedasbutanothersuch result.ThusAisnotexpressedaspotentiallywillinglyexploitingB;andBexpressesher/his offernotasanexertionofunilateralcontrol[F2]overhowA’sbaggetscarried,butinstead somethingasinvoluntaryasis,say,asneeze.
AndIthinkitmustbeforthesereasonsthatoffersofactionsthatmaybenefitothersthan theexecutantofthefuturematterreferredtoaresocharacteristicallyexpressedusingF1b. TheimplicationattendantonthisuseofF1baretwo-fold:
i)Youcan’tbeexpectedtobeabletorefusemyoffer. ii)Ican’thelpmakingmyoffer–itis‘beyondmycontrol6)’
5.5.What is usually called「意志未来」[thevolitionalfuture]doesnot,infact, exist
If,astraditional-styleexplanationsofgrammarsosurprisinglystillinsist,/will○/[F1a~c] couldindeedbeusedtoexpressavoluntarily-reached(ownership-complete)decisionabout afuturechangeorstateconcerningtheexecutant,/ShallIcarrythatforyou?/wouldinevitably bejustasrudeas/AmIgoingtocarrythatforyou?/.Butinfactitisnot;indeed,itismore thanadequatelypolite,asanexpressionofanofferorproposal.
WiththeexceptionofF1c(/Whateveryousay,Iwíllmarryher,andbehappywith her!/, there isnoexpressionoffuturemattersthatusestheauxiliary,/will/,andyetalso expressesvolition.AndevenF1cplaceswhatwascertainlyoriginallyavoluntarydecision nowwellbeyondtheboundsoftheareaoverwhichtheexecutant’sownvolition(or ownership) extends. (A plan may be changed, or abandoned; but an involuntary determination[F1c]cannolongerbeabandoned,foritsinherentforcenowsurpassesthatof theexecutant’smerewill-power.)
Withregardtothispoint,letusfinallyconsiderthefollowingexample,ofanotheroffer:
A:Icannotgetananswer[onthephone]fromanytaxi-company…. B:F1b:ThenI’lldriveyoutothestation.