Modes of Conceptualization of Events

The next step for explicating the conceptual nature of there-constructions is how the conceptualizer construes an entity presented by a there-construction. I argue that in there-constructions, there exists a discrepancy in conceptual processing between the speaker and hearer; i.e., the hearer, triggered by there, construes a target event holistically by way of ‘summary scanning’ to understand what the speaker means.

For this reason, in what follows, I would like to overview the two modes of cognitive processing: sequential scanning and summary scanning.

To fully understand these notions, imagine a case where we actually watch a ball role down an incline. In this real-time viewing experience, the component states of

3 This analysis can be supported by Bolinger (1977), Nakau (1998), and Ueyama (2003). In particular, Bolinger argues that there’s function is to bring something into awareness, and the more vivid on the stage an action is, the less appropriate there becomes.

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the event (i.e., the portions of the process) are sequentially accessed through time, as diagrammed in Figure 4.2.

This mode of processing is referred to as sequential scanning. Essential here is the distinction between conceived time (t) and processing time (T). As noted in Chapter 1, the former is time as an object of conception: the time during which an event is conceived as occurring, indicated as t1 – t5. Concurrently with this, the conceptualization of an event is a mental activity; the conceptualizing activity itself occurs during the span T1 – T5 of processing time which functions as the medium of conception. That is, when we track a process through time, the tracking occurs in processing time and the event itself occurs in conceived time. Figure 4.2 indicates that the respective component states are mentally accessed through processing time in order of their occurrence through conceived time.

On the other hand, we are capable of viewing events in another manner, sketched in Figure 4.3.

t2 t3 t4 t5

Figure 4.2: Sequential Scanning

＞ ＞ ＞ ＞

T1 T2 T3 T4 T5

(Langacker 2008: 110) t1

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In this mode of conceptualization, the component states of an event undergo summation. That is, they are mentally superimposed and as a result, all the component states are simultaneously active and form a single gestalt.

What is important here is that sequential and summary scanning should be thought of as two facets of the normal observation of events; we can either highlight the inherent sequentiality or impose a holistic construal, depending on which mode predominates. For example, a verb per se implies sequential scanning, but when the same content is viewed in summary fashion the resulting expression pertains to another grammatical category (e.g. an infinitive or a participle).

Consider the following sentences:

(6) a. We realize that you have to make a profit.⁴

b. His wife only pretended to believe his implausible story.

c. Portia really enjoyed walking along the beach.

(Langacker 1991: 439)

4 Langacker (2008:413) argues that as for the complement clause in (6a), nominalization applies to the full, finite clause, so internally the resulting nominal is clausal in form.

Figure 4.3: Summary Scanning

t1 t1-2 t1-3 t1-4

＞ ＞ ＞ ＞

T1 T2 T3 T4 T5

(Langacker 2008: 112) t1-5

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Langacker (1991: 440) argues that by the very nature of a complement clause, the process it describes undergoes a kind of conceptual subordination, instead of being viewed as an independent object of thought. His main point is that viewing the subordinate process as a main-clause participant implies a conceptual distancing whereby the process is construed holistically and manipulated as a unitary entity, resulting in summary scanning of the component states.

This analysis is worth addressing, because the speaker’s intention using there is to encourage the hearer to activate a “mental space” and conceptualize an intended target entity therein, which means that the entity is conceptually subordinated by there.

Therefore, from the hearer’s view point, it is construed as a unitary entity, with the same conceptual distancing as the complement clauses in (6). This cognitive process of building up the overall conception of a profiled relationship in summary fashion and constructing an image of the event as a whole is quite natural for us to capture the intended event.⁵ This naturally leads to the idea that the close affinity of an entity with a holistic view, by way of summary scanning, is responsible for the acceptability of the there-construction which contains it.

This analysis can be supported by an abundance of linguistic data.

(7) a. *There danced a young girl in the ballroom.

b. *There sang a tall middle-aged woman on the stage.

5 This mode of conceptual processing is on a parallel with how we conceptualize conditionals, negative expressions and fictive motions. For example, in understanding the meaning of the sentence If it were clear, we could see a wonderful panoramic view of the town from the top of the mountain, one thing we do is to simulate the experience of seeing the view of the town virtually in a holistic manner. Also, when we grasp the import of a negative sentence like John does not have any pets, the situation of his having pets is conjured up in order to exclude it from reality.

As for fictive motions, to take The mountain range goes from Mexico to Canada as an example, we understand the meaning of the sentence by mentally scanning along a path and progressively superimposing all the component states to form a single gestalt.

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(8) a. In all such relations there exists a set of mutual obligations in the economic field.

b. There stood an old clock in the hall opposite the front door.

c. There emerged some new facts while we were working on the project.

(9) a. *There was hit a man on the head.

b. *There were arrested three rioters in the park.

(10) a. There are placed many silver spoons on the table.

b. There was born a baby to the Joneses.

(11) a. ?There danced in the ballroom a young girl with a red headband.

b. There was dancing in the ballroom a young girl with a red headband.

(12) a. *There vanished a diamond ring from this drawer.

b. There had vanished from the dresser two rings left by my mother.

(Kuno and Takami 2002: 59-63)

As noted, a verb per se requires sequential scanning to conceptualize the process it describes. The difference in acceptability between (7a, b) and (8a, b) lies in the conceptual distinction between perfective and imperfective verbs. The former is characterized as being bounded in time, whereas the latter is not specifically bounded.

Moreover, perfectives construe the profiled relationship as internally heterogeneous, involving some kind of change through time, while imperfectives construe it as a homogeneous, stable situation. Hence verbs of action exemplified in (7a, b) tend to require sequential scanning to conceptualize them, as depicted in Figure 4.2. In such cases, it is quite normal for us to pick up the entity of primary focus (i.e., the agent) as a trajector and describe the event from that perspective. This conceptual processing is incompatible with the holistic way of viewing an event imposed by

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there-constructions. Hence, the unacceptability of the sentences results. On the other hand, the nature of homogeneity which imperfective verbs imply, in effect, allows us to construe the event it describes holistically because of its stability, resulting in the acceptability of sentences in (8a, b) results. Furthermore, as for verbs of appearance in (8c), the notion of appearance designates a change from nonexistence to existence of an entity. Our recognition in general, however, tends to focus on its resultant state, with the change its component states describe being relatively backgrounded and the existence of the entity per se being foregrounded accordingly.

The activation of our holistic view of the event is compatible with a there-construction.

Moreover, concerning the difference in acceptability between (9) and (10), the clue is in the conceptual difference between two kinds of the verb be. The effect of past participles is to convert the process specified by a verb into a complex atemporal relation by employing summary scanning rather than sequential scanning. In actional passives like those in (9a, b), as Langacker (1991: 206) argues, the verb be functions as reimposing sequential scanning on an atemporal relation derived by the past participle.

That is, it imposes a processual profile by scanning sequentially through its component states. On the other hand, the component states of be in stative passives, exemplified in (10a, b), are construed as identical and thus in effect they are all elaborated simultaneously. In addition, the function of the past participle in (10) is to derive a stative relation by confining the profile to the final, resultant state of the process, For this reason, sentences in (10a, b) represent their resultant states as prominent (i.e., the state in which many silver spoons are set in (10a) and the existence of the baby as a result of the process in question in (10b)), with the sequential scanning being suspended to derive an atemporal relation, which enables the hearer to understand the event holistically, resulting in the acceptability of the sentences. In (11b) and (12b),

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the progressive is an imperfectivizing construction, imposing the summary construal on the event by suspending sequential scanning, and the function of the past participle in the perfect construction is to atemporalize the process the verb designates (i.e., construal of the process in summary fashion) and enhance the salience of a terminal component state of the underlying process, implying the completion of the event.

Hence both the progressive and perfect forms impose the event to be construed holistically, resulting in the compatibility with there-constructions.⁶